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Keynes John Maynard: more books (100)

Treatise On Money V1: The Pure Theory Of Money (1930) by John Maynard Keynes, 2010-08-31

The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes, Volume IX, Essays in Persuasion (Collected works of Keynes) (v. 9) by John Maynard Keynes, 1972-09-07

Life of John Maynard Keynes, the by R.F. Harrod, 1990-01-01

A treatise on probability by John Maynard Keynes, Max Black, 2010-09-06

The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money [GENERAL THEORY OF EMPLOYMENT I] by John Maynard(Author) Keynes, 2008-07-31

John Maynard Keynes Volume Three Fighting for Freedom 1937-1946 by Robert Skidelsky, 2000-01-01

The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes: Volume 8, A Treatise on Probability by John Maynard Keynes, 1990-04-27

Essays in Biography (Palgrave Insights in Psychology) by John Maynard Keynes, 2010-09-15

The general theory of employment, interest, and money,: By John Maynard Keynes by John Maynard Keynes, 1964

John Maynard Keynes: Volume 3: Fighting for Freedom, 1937-1946 by Robert Skidelsky, 2002-11-26

Treatise on Money. Volume 2:The Applied Theory of Money by John Maynard Keynes, 1971

A Tract on Monetary Reform by John Maynard Keynes, 2009-01-23

Essays on John Maynard Keynes

The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes (v. 9) by John Maynard Keynes, 1978-12-31

lists with details

The Keynesian Revolution
john maynard keynes contemplating his revolution. ( Click Picture to EnterSite). (john maynard keynes, Letter to GB Shaw, January 1, 1935).
http://cepa.newschool.edu/het/essays/keynes/keynesrev.htm

Extractions: Click Picture to Enter Site "I believe myself to be writing a book on economic theory which will largely revolutionize not, I suppose, at once, but in the course of the next ten years the way the world thinks about economic problems" (John Maynard Keynes Letter to G.B. Shaw , January 1, 1935) "Those, who are strongly wedded to what I shall call "the classical theory", will fluctuate, I expect, between a belief that I am quite wrong and a belief that I am saying nothing new. It is for others to determine if either of these or the third alternative is right." (John Maynard Keynes The General Theory , 1936: p.v) "There are also, I should admit, forces which one might fairly well call automatic which operate under any normal monetary system in the direction of restoring a long-run equilibrium between saving and investment. The point which I cast into doubt - though the contrary is generally believed - is whether these `automatic' forces will... tend to bring about not only an equilibrium between saving and investment but also an optimum level of production."
References For Keynes
References for the biography of john maynard keynes B Braithwaite (ed.), J M keynes, The collected writings of john maynard keynes VIII A treatise on probability (New
http://www-history.mcs.st-and.ac.uk/history/References/Keynes.html

Extractions: R B Braithwaite (ed.), J M Keynes, The collected writings of John Maynard Keynes VIII : A treatise on probability (New York, 1988). D D Dillard, The Economics of John Maynard Keynes (1948, reprinted 1982). R F Harrod, The Life of John Maynard Keynes (London, 1951; reprint 1982). C H Hession, John Maynard Keynes (1984). M Keynes, Essays on John Maynard Keynes (London, 1975). R Lekachman, The age of Keynes : a biographical study (Harmondsworth, 1969). D E Moggridge, Keynes (London, 1976). D E Moggridge, Maynard Keynes : An Economist's Biography (1992) R Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes Vol 1 : Hopes Betrayed 1883-1920 (London, 1983). R Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes Vol 2 : The economist as saviour, 1920-1937 (London, 1992). Articles:
The Theories Of John Maynard Keynes [Virtual Economy]
john maynard keynes Theories. In the General Theory keynes comprehensivelychallenged the Classical orthodoxy. He argued that a
http://www.bized.ac.uk/virtual/economy/library/economists/keynesth.htm

Extractions: In the General Theory Keynes comprehensively challenged the Classical orthodoxy. He argued that a slump was not a long-run phenomenon that we should all get depressed about and leave the markets to sort out. A slump was simply a short-run problem stemming from a lack of demand. If the private sector was not prepared to spend to boost demand, the government should instead. It could do this by running a budget deficit. When times were good again and the private sector was spending again, the government could trim its spending and pay off the debts they accumulated in the slump. The idea, according to Keynes, should be to balance your budget in the medium term, but not in the short run. One of his best known quotes summarises this focus on short-run policies: So his theory was that the government should actively intervene in the economy to manage the level of demand. These policies are often known as demand management policies , aptly named since the idea of them is to manage the level of aggregate demand . If you want to impress your teachers or lecturers even further and leave them totally stunned with your intimate knowledge of Keynesian economics (!), you could even call these policies
The Economic Consequences Of The Peace (Review)
By Thorstein Veblen in the Political Science Quarterly in 1920.Category Science Social Sciences People keynes, john maynardReview of john maynard keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peaceby Thorstein Veblen Political Science Quarterly, 35, pp. 467472.
http://www.socsci.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/keynes/vebrev

Extractions: Review of John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace by Thorstein Veblen Political Science Quarterly, 35, pp. 467-472. It is now something like a year since this book was written. And much of its argument is in the nature of forecast which has in great part been overtaken by the precipitate run of events during these past months. Therefore it would scarcely be fair to read the author's argument as a presentation of client fact. It is rather to be taken as a presentation of the diplomatic potentialities of the Treaty and the League, as seen beforehand, and of the further consequences which may be expected to follow in the course of a statesmanlike management of things under the powers conferred by the Treaty and by the Covenant of the League. It is an altogether sober and admirably candid and facile argument, by a man familiar with diplomatic usage and trained in the details of large financial policy; and the wide vogue and earnest consideration which have been given to this volume reflect its very substantial merit. At the same time the same facts go to show how faithfully its point of view and its line of argument fall in with the prevailing attitude of thoughtful men toward the same range of questions. It is the attitude of men accustomed to take political documents at their face value. Writing at about the date of its formulation and before its effectual working had been demonstrated, Mr Keynes accepts the Treaty as a definitive formulation of the terms of peace, as a conclusive settlement rather than a strategic point of departure for further negotiations and a continuation of warlike enterprise and this in spite of the fact that Mr Keynes was continuously and intimately in touch with the Peace Conference during all those devious negotiations by which the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers arrived at the bargains embodied in this instrument. These negotiations were quite secret, of course, as is fitting that negotiations among Elder Statesmen should be. But for all their vulpine secrecy, the temper and purposes of that hidden Conclave of political hucksters were already becoming evident to outsiders a year ago, and it is all the more surprising to find that an observer so shrewd and so advantageously placed as Mr Keynes has been led to credit them with any degree of bonafides or to ascribe any degree of finality to the diplomatic instruments which came out of their bargaining. The Treaty was designed, in substance, to re-establish the status quo ante, with a particular view to the conservation of international jealousies. Instead of its having brought a settlement of the world's peace, the Treaty (together with the League) has already shown itself to be nothing better than a screen of diplomatic verbiage behind which the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers continue their pursuit of political chicane and imperialistic aggrandisement. All this is patent now, and it needs no peculiar degree of courage to admit it. It is also scarcely too much to say that all this should have been sufficiently evident to Mr Keynes a year ago. But in failing to take note of this patent state of the case Mr Keynes only reflects the commonplace attitude of thoughtful citizens. His discussion, accordingly, is a faithful and exceptionally intelligent commentary on the language of the Treaty, rather than the consequences which were designed to follow from it or the uses to which it is lending itself. It would perhaps be an ungraceful overstatement to say that Mr Keynes has successfully avoided the main facts in the case; but an equally broad statement to the contrary would be farther from the truth. The events of the past months go to show that the central and most binding provision of the Treaty (and of the League) is an unrecorded clause by which the governments of the Great Powers are banded together for the suppression of Soviet Russia unrecorded unless record of it is to be found somewhere among the secret archives of the League or of the Great Powers. Apart from this unacknowledged compact there appears to be nothing in the Treaty that has any character of stability or binding force. (Of course, this compact for the reduction of Soviet Russia was not written into the text of the Treaty; it may rather be said to have been the parchment upon which the text was written.) A formal avowal of such a compact for continued warlike operations would not comport with the usages of secret diplomacy, and then it might also be counted on unduly to irritate the underlying populations of the Great Powers, who are unable to see the urgency of the case in the same perspective as the Elder Statesmen. So this difficult but imperative task of suppressing Bolshevism, which faced the Conclave from the outset, has no part in Mr Keynes's analysis of the consequences to be expected from the conclave's Treaty. Yet it is sufficiently evident now that the exigencies of the Conclave's campaign against Russian Bolshevism have shaped the working-out of the Treaty hitherto, beyond any other consideration. This appears to be the only interest which the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers hold in common; in all else they appear to be engrossed with mutual jealousies and cross purposes, quite in the spirit of that imperialistic status quo out of which the Great War arose. And the like promises to hold true for the future, until after Soviet Russia or the Powers banded together in this surreptitious war on Russia shall reach the breaking-point. In the nature of things it is a war without quarter; but in the nature of things it is also an enterprise which cannot be avowed. It is quite needless to find fault with this urgent campaign of the governments of the Great Powers against Soviet Russia or to say anything in approval of it all. But it is necessary to take note of its urgency and the nature of it, as well as of the fact that this major factor in the practical working-out of the Peace has apparently escaped attention in the most competent analysis of the Peace and its consequences that has yet been offered. It has been overlooked, perhaps, because it is a foregone matter of course. Yet this oversight is unfortunate. Among other things, it has led Mr Keynes into an ungracious characterization of the President and his share in the negotiations. Mr Keynes has much that is uncomplimentary to say of the many concessions and comprehensive defeat in which the President and his avowed purposes became involved in the course of those negotiations with the Elder Statesmen of the Great Powers. Due appreciation of the gravity of this anti-Bolshevist issue, and of its ubiquitous and paramount force in the deliberations of the Conclave, should have saved Mr Keynes from those expressions of scant courtesy which mar his characterization of the President and of the President's work as peacemaker. The intrinsic merits of the quarrel between the Bolsheviki and the Elder Statesmen are not a matter for off-hand decision; nor need they come in consideration here. But the difficulties of the President's work as peacemaker are not to be appreciated without some regard to the nature of this issue that faced him. So, without prejudice, it seems necessary to call to mind the main facts of the case, as these facts confronted him in the negotiations with the Conclave. It is to be remarked, then, that Bolshevism is a menace to absentee ownership. At the same time the present economic and political order rests on absentee ownership. The imperialist policies of the Great Powers, including America, also look to the maintenance and extension of absentee ownership as the major and abiding purpose of all their political traffic. Absentee ownership, accordingly, is the foundation of law and order, according to that scheme of law and order which has been handed down out of the past in all the civilized nations, and to the perpetuation of which the Elder Statesmen are committed by native bent and by the duties of office. This applies to both the economic and the political order, in all these civilized nations, where the security of property rights has become virtually the sole concern of the constituted authorities. The Fourteen Points were drawn up without due appreciation of this paramount place which absentee ownership has come to occupy in the modern civilized countries and without due appreciation of the intrinsically precarious equilibrium in which this paramount institution of civilized mankind has been placed by the growth of industry and education. The Bolshevist demonstration had not yet shown the menace, at the time when the Fourteen Points were drawn up. The Fourteen Points were drawn in the humane spirit of Mid-Victorian Liberalism, without due realization of the fact that democracy has in the meantime outgrown the Mid-Victorian scheme of personal liberty and has grown into a democracy of property rights. Not until the Bolshevist overturn and the rise of Soviet Russia did this new complexion of things become evident to men trained in the good old way of thinking On questions of policy. But at the date of the Peace Conference Soviet Russia had come to be the largest and most perplexing fact within the political and economic horizon. Therefore, so soon as a consideration of details was entered upon it became evident, point by point, that the demands of absentee ownership coincide with the requirements of the existing order, and that these paramount demands of absentee ownership are at the same time incompatible with the humane principles of Mid-Victorian Liberalism. Therefore, regretfully and reluctantly, but imperatively, it became the part of wise statesmanship to save the existing order by saving absentee ownership and letting the Fourteen Points go in the discard. Bolshevism is a menace to absentee ownership; and in the light of events in Soviet Russia it became evident, point by point, that only with the definitive suppression of Bolshevism and all its works, at any cost, could the world be made safe for that Democracy of Property Rights on which the existing political and civil order is founded. So it became the first concern of all the guardians of the existing order to root out Bolshevism at any cost, without regard to international law. lf one is so inclined, one may find fault with the premises of this argument as being out of date and reactionary; and one might find fault with the President for being too straightly guided by considerations of this nature. But the President was committed to the preservation of the existing order of commercialized imperialism, by conviction and by his high office. His apparent defeat in the face of this unforeseen situation, therefore, was not so much a defeat, but rather a strategic realignment designed to compass what was indispensable, even at some cost to his own prestige the main consideration being the defeat of Bolshevism at any cost so that a well-considered view of the President's share in the deliberations of the Conclave will credit him with insight, courage, facility, and tenacity of purpose rather than with that pusillanimity, vacillation, and ineptitude which is ascribed to him in Mr Keynes's too superficial review of the case. So also his oversight of this paramount need of making the world safe for a democracy of absentee owners has led Mr Keynes to take an unduly pessimistic view of the provisions covering the German indemnity. A notable leniency, amounting to something like collusive remissness, has characterized the dealings of the Powers with Germany hitherto. As should have seemed altogether probable beforehand, the stipulations touching the German indemnity have proved to be provisional and tentative only if they should not rather be characterized as a diplomatic bluff, designed to gain time, divert attention, and keep the various claimants in a reasonably patient frame of mind during the period of rehabilitation needed to reinstate the reactionary régime in Germany and erect it into a bulwark against Bolshevism. These stipulations have already suffered substantial modifications at every point that has come to a test hitherto, and there is no present indication and no present reason to believe that any of them will be lived up to in any integral fashion. They are apparently in the nature of a base for negotiations and are due to come up for indefinite further adjustment as expediency may dictate. And the expediencies of the case appear to run on two main considerations: (a) the defeat of Bolshevism, in Russia and elsewhere; and (b) the continued secure tenure of absentee ownership in Germany. It follows that Germany must not be crippled in such a degree as would leave the imperial establishment materially weakened in its campaign against Bolshevism abroad or radicalism at home. From which it also follows that no indemnity should effectually be levied on Germany such as will at all seriously cut into the free income of the propertied and privileged classes, who alone can be trusted to safeguard the democratic interests of absentee ownership. Such burden as the indemnity may impose must accordingly not exceed an amount which may conveniently be made to fall somewhat immediately on the propertyless working class, who are to be kept in hand. As required by these considerations of safety for the established order, it will be observed that the provisions of the Treaty shrewdly avoid any measures that would involve confiscation of property; whereas, if these provisions had not been drawn with a shrewd eye to the continued security of absentee ownership, there should have been no serious difficulty in collecting an adequate indemnity from the wealth of Germany without materially deranging the country's industry and without hardship to others than the absentee owners. There is no reason, other than the reason of absentee ownership, why the Treaty should not have provided for a comprehensive repudiation of the German war debt, imperial, state, and municipal, with a view to diverting that much of German income to the benefit of those who suffered from German aggression. So also no other reason stood in the way of a comprehensive confiscation of German wealth, so far as that wealth is covered by securities and is therefore held by absentee owners, and there is no question as to the war guilt of these absentee owners. But such a measure would subvert the order of society, which is an order of absentee ownership in so far as concerns the Elder Statesmen and the interests whose guardians they are. Therefore it would not do, nor has the notion been entertained, to divert any part of this free income from the German absentee owners to the relief of those who suffered from the war which these absentee owners carried into the countries of the Allies. In effect, in their efforts to safeguard the existing political and economic order to make the world safe for a democracy of investors the statesmen of the victorious Powers have taken sides with the war-guilty absentee owners of Germany and against their underlying population. All of which, of course, is quite regular and beyond reproach; nor does it all ruffle the course of Mr Keynes's exposition of economic consequences, in any degree. Even such conservative provisions as the Treaty makes for indemnifying the war victims have hitherto been enforced only with a shrewdly managed leniency, marked with an unmistakable partisan bias in favor of the German-Imperial status quo ante; as is also true for the provisions touching disarmament and the discontinuance of warlike industries and organization which provisions have been administered in a well-conceived spirit of opéra bouffe. Indeed, the measures hitherto taken in the execution of this Peace Treaty's provisional terms throw something of an air of fantasy over Mr Keynes's apprehensions on this head.
TIME 100 Scientists Thinkers - John Maynard Keynes
Profiled as one of the 100 most important people of the 20th century. Includes an article by Robert Category Science Social Sciences People keynes, john maynard Economist john maynard keynes His radical idea that governments should spendmoney they don't have may have saved capitalism BY ROBERT B. REICH
http://www.time.com/time/time100/scientist/profile/keynes.html

Extractions: His radical idea that governments should spend money they don't have may have saved capitalism BY ROBERT B. REICH He hardly seemed cut out to be a workingman's revolutionary. A Cambridge University don with a flair for making money, a graduate of England's exclusive Eton prep school, a collector of modern art, the darling of Virginia Woolf and her intellectually avant-garde Bloomsbury Group, the chairman of a life-insurance company, later a director of the Bank of England, married to a ballerina, John Maynard Keynestall, charming and self-confidentnonetheless transformed the dismal science into a revolutionary engine of social progress. Before Keynes, economists were gloomy naysayers. "Nothing can be done," "Don't interfere," "It will never work," they intoned with Eeyore-like pessimism. But Keynes was an unswerving optimist. Of course we can lick unemployment! There's no reason to put up with recessions and depressions! The "economic problem is notif we look into the futurethe permanent problem of the human race," he wrote (liberally using italics for emphasis). Born in Cambridge, England, in 1883, the year Karl Marx died, Keynes probably saved capitalism from itself and surely kept latter-day Marxists at bay.
Biographies: The Economists: Lord John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946).
A Blupete Biography Page Back To List of Economists Lord, john maynardkeynes (18831946). john maynard keynes was born in Cambridge, England.
http://www.blupete.com/Literature/Biographies/Philosophy/Keynes.htm

Extractions: John Maynard Keynes was born in Cambridge, England. His father, Dr. John Neville Keynes, occupied a high level administrative position at the university. Maynard's mother was one of the earliest female students to attend Cambridge. It therefore can be seen that Maynard had a very enriched childhood. After attending Eton, Keynes went to Cambridge. His first dissertation (King's) was on the theory of probability. And while it certainly did look like Keynes, at first, was going to concentrate his abilities on mathematics, it was to economics he was to turn. Indeed, he was tempted to go to the bar, which would normally lead to positions of political power; but, instead, he chose a course which would lead him to be an advisor to those in political power: he chose the civil service. After the competition (he came second) he was appointed to a position in Foreign Affairs, specifically, the department that extended advice on the administration of India, which then was one of England's Dominions. (He would have preferred the Treasury Department. ) Fortunately, in his first position with the civil service, - boredom overtook him.
Keynes, J. M
Secondary Literature RF Harrod, The Life of john maynard keynes (Macmillan, 1951);`keynes, john maynard', International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences
http://www.cpm.ehime-u.ac.jp/AkamacHomePage/Akamac_E-text_Links/Keynes.html
Knitting Circle John Maynard Keynes
john maynard keynes ,Penguin, 807 pages, ISBN 0140214402, SBU Library Main Bookstock 330.156 KEY.
http://www.sbu.ac.uk/~stafflag/jmkeynes.html

Extractions: Biography work bibliography press cuttings Polymath, British economist, pioneer of the theory of full employment, and with many other interests from book collecting to probability theory. His influence on economics was such that the thirty-year boom in Western industrial countries (1945-75) has been called the Age of Keynes. Educated at Eton and King's College Cambridge where he blended effortlessly into the idealistic atmosphere of the "higher sodomy" which attained its most rarefied form in the secret society known as the Cambridge Apostles, to which he was almost immediately elected. In the Apostles he met his lifelong friends Lytton Strachey and Leonard Woolf, and hence became part of the Bloomsbury Group . Believing himself ugly, he was shy in the presence of the undergraduates he admired. However, in 1908 he began a serious affair with the painter Duncan Grant of whom he later said he was the only person in whom he found a truly satisfying combination of beauty and intelligence.
Keynes
keynes, john maynard (18831946). john maynard keynes is unquestionablythe major figure in twentieth-century economics, and perhaps
http://qed.econ.queensu.ca/walras/bios/keynes.html

Extractions: John Maynard Keynes is unquestionably the major figure in twentieth-century economics, and perhaps the only one who can stand next to Adam Smith (q.v.) Ricardo (q.v.), Marshall (q.v.) and Walras (q.v.) in the economists' Hall of Fame. His reputation does not rest solely on the General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936), which initiated the so-called Keynesian Revolution, but also on his other writings, most notably A Treatise on Probability (1921) and A Treatise on Money (1930), as well as on his influential advice to the British Treasury, his central role in the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 which created the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and his prominent place in the cultural and intellectual life of his day as a journalist and speaker. Mark Blaug Great Economists Before Keynes: An Introduction to the Lives and Works of One Hundread Great Economists of the Past , Brighton: Wheatsheaf, 1986. In
Abstract Of Conversation With Mr. John Maynard Keynes
Recorded by AP Chew at the US Department of Agriculture in 1936.Category Science Social Sciences People keynes, john maynardAbstract of conversation with Mr. john maynard keynes Recorded by AP Chew. PublishingInformation. Abstract of conversation with Mr. john maynard keynes.
http://newdeal.feri.org/misc/keynes1.htm

Extractions: The White House. Dear Mr. President: In conformance with our conversation at Cabinet yesterday, I am sending you herewith the abstract of the conversation of A. P. Chew, Assistant to the Director of Information of this Department, with John Maynard Keynes. I am also sending you abstract of the conversation Mr. Chew had with John A. Hobson and H. N. Brailsford. Respectfully yours, Secretary. Enclosure. WASHINGTON Abstract of conversation with Mr. John Maynard Keynes. The problem of foreign trade, while important, is not the primary economic problem. It is necessary first to increase the domestic demand. With that accomplished, foreign trade will increase in actual volume, while declining in relative importance. If the industrial nations all set to work to increase their domestic demand, they would soon have a revival in their foreign trade without having to worry about it. Demand can increase through investmentthrough the creation of new capital goods. It is not necessary to depend either on price declines, or on wage-advances. Ultimately, of course, an increase in capital goods means an increase in consumers goods, and consumption per capita must go up if the balance between production and consumption is to be maintained. But the advantage, particularly in periods of recovery from depression, in raising demand through investment rather than mainly through direct increases in individual consumption is that the operation enlists the cooperation rather than the hostility of the investing groups.
32517. Keynes, John Maynard. The Columbia World Of Quotations. 1996
ATTRIBUTION john maynard keynes (18831946), British economist. New Statesmanand Nation (London, July 15, 1933). The Columbia World of Quotations.
http://www.bartleby.com/66/17/32517.html

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Keynes, John Maynard, Baron Keynes Of Tilton. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth E
keynes, john maynard, Baron keynes of Tilton. The Columbia Encyclopedia,Sixth Edition. 2001. 2001. keynes, john maynard, Baron keynes of Tilton.
http://www.bartleby.com/65/ke/Keynes-J.html

Extractions: Select Search All Bartleby.com All Reference Columbia Encyclopedia World History Encyclopedia World Factbook Columbia Gazetteer American Heritage Coll. Dictionary Roget's Thesauri Roget's II: Thesaurus Roget's Int'l Thesaurus Quotations Bartlett's Quotations Columbia Quotations Simpson's Quotations English Usage Modern Usage American English Fowler's King's English Strunk's Style Mencken's Language Cambridge History The King James Bible Oxford Shakespeare Gray's Anatomy Farmer's Cookbook Post's Etiquette Bulfinch's Mythology Frazer's Golden Bough All Verse Anthologies Dickinson, E. Eliot, T.S. Frost, R. Hopkins, G.M. Keats, J. Lawrence, D.H. Masters, E.L. Sandburg, C. Sassoon, S. Whitman, W. Wordsworth, W. Yeats, W.B. All Nonfiction Harvard Classics American Essays Einstein's Relativity Grant, U.S. Roosevelt, T. Wells's History Presidential Inaugurals All Fiction Shelf of Fiction Ghost Stories Short Stories Shaw, G.B. Stein, G. Stevenson, R.L. Wells, H.G. Reference Columbia Encyclopedia PREVIOUS NEXT ... BIBLIOGRAPHIC RECORD The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. Keynes, John Maynard, Baron Keynes of Tilton
Keynes, John Maynard
Læst af 3.461. keynes, john maynard. john maynard keynes. keynes (18831946),britisk nationaløkonom, embedsmand og politiker som
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John Maynard Keynes, Biography: The Concise Encyclopedia Of Economics: Library O
So influential was john maynard keynes that an entire school of modernthought bears his name. Many of his ideas were revolutionary
http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/bios/Keynes.html

Extractions: Search Site Search Card Catalog Search a Book Home ... and Help Biography of So influential was John Maynard Keynes that an entire school of modern thought bears his name. Many of his ideas were revolutionary; almost all are controversial. Keynesian economics serves as a sort of yardstick that can define virtually all economists who came after Keynes. Keynes was born in Cambridge and attended King's College, Cambridge, where he earned his degree in mathematics in 1905. He remained there for another year to study under Alfred Marshall and Arthur Pigou, whose scholarship on the quantity theory of money led to Keynes's Tract on Monetary Reform many years later. After leaving Cambridge, Keynes took a position with the civil service in Britain. While there, he collected the material for his first book in economics, Indian Currency and Finance, in which he described the workings of India's monetary system. He returned to Cambridge in 1908 as a lecturer, then took a leave of absence to work for the British Treasury. He worked his way up quickly through the bureaucracy and, by 1919, was the Treasury's principal representative at the peace conference at Versailles. He resigned because he thought the Treaty of Versailles was overly burdensome to the Germans. Upon resigning, he returned to Cambridge to resume teaching. Keynes was a prominent journalist and speaker, and one of the famous Bloomsbury Group of literary greats, which included Virginia Woolf and Bertrand Russell. At the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference, where the International Monetary Fund was established, Keynes was one of the architects of the postwar system of fixed exchange rates. In 1925 he married the Russian ballet dancer Lydia Lopokova. He was made a lord in 1942. Keynes died on April 21, 1946, survived by his father, John Neville Keynes, also a renowned economist in his day.
John Maynard Keynes/ JM Keynes
l l l john maynard keynes. Liven up your Economics classroom or office withthis quality poster of. john maynard keynes. Actual size A2 (4 x A4).
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Extractions: l l l John Maynard Keynes Liven up your Economics classroom or office with this quality poster of JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES Actual size A2 (4 x A4) Full refund if returned within 7 days 1 Cordrey Green, Iffley Village, Oxford OX4 4ER UK. For international orders for John Maynard Keynes poster a PAYPAL invoice can be generated for payment by credit card. Rodda Education and Publishing is a sole trader established in 2001 in the UK Email cr1@dircon.co.uk John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes JohnJohn Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John Maynard Keynes John
JOHN MYNARD KEYNES
Translate this page Con john maynard keynes (1883-1946) aparece la respuesta del siglo XX, a las grandesfiguras que habían dado forma y dirección a la ciencia económica
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Extractions: JOHN MYNARD KEYNES (1883-1946) C Keynes realizó su obra él solo, su pensamiento era algo más que una extensión lógica del legado científico del pasado y proporcionó soluciones para las necesidades de aquella época, en mayor medida de los que podría decirse al respecto, en cuanto a los que realizaron la revolución marginalista. Bertrand Russel influyó sobre el primer trabajo de Keynes sobre la teoría de la probabilidad y la filosofía de George Moore influyó en su forma de vida y en una actitud no conformista en cuanto a desafiar a las doctrinas aceptadas y a los convencionalismos. Con relación a su economía política, estuvo en su primera fase moldeada por Marshall y Pigou . La ruptura posterior de Keynes con el pensamiento de sus primeros maestros, significó también una ruptura con la actitud reverente de Marshall hacia la corriente principal de la tradición de la economía política inglesa. Mientras Marshall había contemplado con reverencia a Ricardo y a Mill y había intentado vincular su propio pensamiento con el de ambos, Keynes admitía la afinidad de sus propias ideas con las de los "Principios de economía política" de Malthus y con las de otros escritos no ortodoxos que ponían en duda la suficiencia de la demanda. La esencia del pensamiento de Keynes difiere de la de Ricardo, pero existe una similitud en cuanto a sus realizaciones intelectuales, ya que ambos construyeron una imponente estructura de pensamiento que, aunque abstracta y general, respondía a las condiciones de su época; ambos pensamientos estaban destinados a influir en la política de una forma que afectaría a la suerte de su propio país, por no decir a la del mundo, y estaban construidos mediante unas pocas variables que integraban las distintas partes del edificio.
John Maynard Keynes - By Milton Friedman
john maynard keynes by Milton Friedman. 12-18. 22 Donald Moggridge, ed., john maynardkeynes, The Collected Writings, Vol. XXVII Activities, 1940-1946, pp.
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Extractions: John Maynard Keynes - by Milton Friedman Keynes clearly belongs in this line. In listing "the" classic of each of these great economists, historians will cite the General Theory as Keynes's path-breaking contribution. Yet, in my opinion, Keynes would belong in this line even if the General Theory had never been published. Indeed, I am one of a small minority of professional economists who regard his Tract on Monetary Reform (1923), not the General Theory, as his best book in economics. Even after sixty-five years, it is not only well worth reading but continues to have a major influence on economic policy. 1. KEYNES'S LIFE From 1908 to his death in 1946, Keynes was an active Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, influencing successive generations of students. For many years, he was also Bursar of King's College, and is credited with making it one of the wealthiest of the Cambridge colleges. From 1911 to 1944, he was the editor or joint-editor of the Economic Journal, at the time the leading professional economic periodical in the English-speaking world. Simultaneously, he was also Secretary of the Royal Economic Society. Despite his lifelong commitment to economics, the earliest work he completed-though not the earliest to be published-was in mathematics not economics-A Treatise on Probability-essentially completed by 1911, but first published in 1921. It is a mark of Keynes's range, creative originality, and insight that much recent work in statistics has returned to the themes of the Treatise on Probability. In economics, his first major publication was Indian Currency and Finance (1913), a product of his service in the India Office of the British government from 1906 to 1908.
Keynes, John Maynard, Baron Keynes Of Tilton
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Keynes, John Maynard, Baron Keynes Of Tilton Departure From
encyclopediaEncyclopediakeynes, john maynard, Baron keynes of TiltonDeparture from Classical Economics. keynes's departure from
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Keynes, John Maynard, Baron Keynes Of Tilton
encyclopediaEncyclopedia keynes, john maynard, Baron keynes of Tilton,kAnz Pronunciation Key. keynes, john maynard, Baron keynes
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