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Social Movements: An Anthropological Reader expands on standard studies of social movements by offering a collection of writings that is exclusively anthropological in nature and global in its focus-thereby serving as an invaluable tool for instructors and students alike.

• Based on fieldwork carried out on four continents - North America, South America, Africa, and Asia - and in 14 countries
  
• Includes articles that address problems ranging from global health and the spread of diseases; loss of control over basic resources such as water and fuel; militarization; to the repression of indigenous peoples and of women
  
• Offers solutions formulated by local peoples

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Customer Reviews (1)

Clear, concise and innovative: great for both activists and academics
This book can be read as an extended literature review, a sociological account of radical social movements, or a valorization of non-hegemonic politics.It is a refreshing break from poststructuralist authors who are unable to communicate in language that can be understood without a PhD.This book can be read by activists and academics alike.One of Day's aims is to highlight the problematic orientation towards hegemony within social and political thought and social movements.His critique is nuanced, leaving room for considerations of and orientations towards hegemony, while opening up a whole new field of possibilities.It is not so much that Gramsci is dead, but that he is forced off center stage by a different form of politics.Day's argument isn't simply a critique of hegemonically-oriented forms, but rather a celebration of what he calls 'the newest social movements' which operate outside the logic of hegemony.Day's appropriation of post-structuralism, anarchism, postanarchism, postmarxism and other theories are both insightful and clear. ... Read more

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Explores the relationship between social movements and rhetorical theory and practice. ... Read more

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Challenging Hegemony: Social Movements, and the Quest for a New Humanism in Post-Apartheid South Africa is a collection of essays by leading social movement activists and scholars that analyzes the emergence of new political struggles in post apartheid South Africa. The volume reflects on the mushrooming of new movements that represent what Frantz Fanon called “the untidy affirmation of an original idea propounded as an absolute:” a quest for a new humanism which is manifested in the movements’ most simple and basic of demands for land, housing, and medicine.A central problem addressed in the volume is how the challenge to hegemony can possibly be connected to the quest for a new humanism (or a “true humanity” in Steve Biko’s words). The essays investigate how new movements (including organized “social forums” as well as local movements) are not only challenging neo-liberal capitalist globalization, but also attempting to articulate alternatives and raise the question of what it means to be human. Whether reconnecting electricity, or struggling for housing or for HIV/AIDS anti-virals, the movements are a challenge, in the most human of ways, to the mantra that “there is no alternative” to capitalist globalization.This collection of essays edited by Nigel Gibson brings together some of the most outstanding intellectuals writing on the rise of social movements in South Africa. The writers whose work is collected in this volume include the cutting edge of intellectuals who have shown tremendous courage in their quest to be not only commentators but activists in this emerging anti neo-liberal movement. There is something valuable in every page of this collection and those interested in thoughtful and provocative analyses of the South Africa transition will be well served. Out of the dystopia of apartheid followed by neo-liberal South Africa emerges the story told in these pages of an incredible resurgence of resistance.—Ashwin Desai, author, author of We are the Poors: Community Struggles in Post-Apartheid South Africa ... Read more

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Conservative Principals
I think having Conservative thought is important to have and to protect but there are times for survival in third world countries there needs to be government to help, even though Western Civilization may or may not appreciate that because we don't like people coming here that are different and it's problematic and that's why it is wrong having them come in this country because half of the people that are here are illegal and there is constant debate. I am personally overwhelmed and disappointed that this is happening.

The Conservative Wars, Circa 1992
Unless you've been living under a rock, you've probably heard that there is a political movement called "neoconservatism" which pushed for the current war in Iraq.What is neoconservatism and how does it differ from conservatism?And who are the "paleoconservatives"?

I don't know of a recent book that discusses this question, but this 1992 work by paleoconservative theoretician Paul Gottfried is a good place to start.

To simplify matters considerably, paleoconservatism is a political theory that traces its roots back to the Old Right and lions of that movement such as Russell Kirk, Robert Nisbett and Richard Weaver.The paleocons, however, have a populist edge that wasn't found in the Old Right.The paleocons support free enterprise (although not dogmatically), advocate a non-interventionist foreign policy (again not dogmatically) and oppose most immigration (dogmatically).

The taxonomy of the neocons is more difficult.At least some were influenced by political philosopher Leo Strauss and had roots in the left (and at times far left). Many of the neocons operate from more liberal presuppositions, namely universalism and egalitarianism.They support free enterprise (although not dogmatically), a "globalist" foreign policy (generally dogmatically), and immigration (with various degrees of religious fervor).Often it seems as if neoconservatives are the classic case of liberals "mugged by reality": things were fine until about 1968, when all hell broke loose.

The neoconservatives are highly influential in what's left of the conservative movement.One periodical of the Old Right now runs foreign policy articles claiming "creative destruction is our [the U.S.'s] middle name" and praising the growth of "expressive individualism" in Middle East music videos.The neoconservatives are more numerous, but I agree with the late Russell Kirk that you have to wonder how much of their writing will be read 15 years hence.

The dispute between the neos and paleos came to the forefront in the first Iraq war.Many of the paleos, feeling that the Cold War was over, thought it was time to take a less interventionist foreign policy.The neocons supported the war.During the Clinton years, most of the neocons advocated involvement in the Balkan wars supporting, of all things, a war for "human rights" and cultural diversity.

Things spun further out of control with the Second Iraq War, which saw the neocons taking the lead and advocating an explicitly Wilsonian foreign policy.Unfortunately, some of the paleos attacked the neos (many of whom are Jewish) for their support for Israel, neos attacked the paleos for being "unpatriotic" and an intelligent dialogue on these issues has became all but impossible.

The Conservative Movement.
_The Conservative Movement_ by Paul Gottfried and Thomas Fleming is an account of the conservative political philosophy and its growth in post World War America featuring the conflict between rival factions of the conservative vision.The authors note how this movement consists of several different, sometimes discordant, features.These include libertarianism and individualism (often carried out to extremes) which emphasizes anti-statism and resistance to the welfare/managerial state of the post New Deal era as well as isolationism as a general principle.This philosophy originally upheld by certain segments of the "Old Right" rose to prominence with the publication of Friedrich Hayek's book _The Road to Serfdom_ which argued against the controlled economy.In addition, certain segments of the original conservative movement were traditionalist in aspect, often composed of Catholics or Anglo-Catholics, and advocates of traditional morality, religion, and classical literature.Traditionalists including Russell Kirk and Richard Weaver as well as a whole host of Southern agrarians played an important part in shaping the philosophy of conservativism (rooting it in the writings of Edmund Burke or in Platonic philosophy or neo-Thomism under the influence of Aristotle).These two aspects of the conservative movement were combined in the early years of the journal _National Review_ put out by William F. Buckley.Buckley's journal maintained a virulently anti-communist stance (Buckley at one time wrote an apologetic piece for Joseph McCarthy) and advocated an interventionist foreign policy against communist tyranny.However, as the authors note, conservativism came to lose sway in the universities as the original mentors of the right abandoned their posts for more practical endeavors.With the social unrest during the Sixties, conservativism completely lost hold of academia which was abandoned to social protest and subsequently political correctness.While certain parts of academia, especially including key areas of the social sciences which lend themselves to an hereditarian interpretation (as opposed to environmentalist), may be interpreted in a conservative manner, those who have discovered these key features of the human animal have been almost unanimously shunned.The authors then note how conservativism subsequently underwent a split, possibly brought about by conflicting elements within its philosophy and the decline of the Soviet empire.On the one hand, a new brand of "conservative", remnants from the Old Left who no longer upheld the radical tendencies of the newer Left, came to the fore.This was the neoconservative, a primarily Jewish sect centered in New York, but which subsequently came to take hold of the Republican Party.Alternatively, a more populist approach was advocated by those on the New Right, composed almost entirely of Evangelical Christians (with some Catholics) and focusing almost completely on single issues, such as abortion, homosexual rights, feminism, education, and the family.Both of these were opposed by members of the remaining "Old Right" who came to be known as "paleoconservatives", in contrast to the newer conservative upcomers.One stark contrast between these two brands of conservative concerns matters of foreign policy, where many paleoconservatives continue to advocate a more isolationist stance, while neoconservatives call for a "global democratic revolution".The authors show how the influence of neoconservativism came to play a role in the two prominent conservative politicians of the era, Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan.This book is somewhat dated, being originally written in the late 80s and since that time the difference between various "conservatives" has widened.Particularly difficult remains the necessity of hammering out the various contradictions within the conservative movement.For example, the libertarian element (advocating laissez faire free market capitalism and anti-statism) seems opposed to the more populist brand of conservativism (whose economic platform can often approach that of socialism) which seems at odds with the elitism innate to the traditionalist and classical brands of conservativism.It remains unclear how these contradictions in the movement can be ironed out.In sum, however this book remains a good introduction to the conservative movement, written from a particular point of view sympathetic towards the "Old Right".

So who are the *real* conservatives?
Conservatism, especially since World War II, has meant a lot of different things to a lot of different people: economic libertarianism, traditionalism, anti-communism and American nationalism, for example.Different combinations of "conservative" values and reasoning might lead one to different conclusions on key issues -- for example, certain "conservative" values (economic libertarianism, traditionalism) point toward isolationism, while others (anti-communism, American nationalism) point toward military interventionism.In another twist, the Cold War made it possible for a person to support the welfare state but still be accepted as a conservative if he was a staunch anti-communist.Gottfried's book explains the different strains of American "conservatism" since WWII (not just one "conservative movement" but many of them), and why different groups of people who call themselves "conservatives" actually agree on very little, pretty much despise each other, and do not acknowledge each other as true conservatives.

Although "The Conservative Movement" is a scholarly and well documented political history book, in a way it's also an insider's guide to some bitter struggles within the American "Right."The faction that Gottfried sympathizes with has done poorly in elections and has no voice in, for example, the "conservative" Bush administration.It is noteworthy that Gottfried never goes out of his way to defend the views of his own faction, but instead offers insightful criticisms of that faction's failed political strategies.If you're interested in modern American politics, "The Conservative Movement" (as well as Gottfried's "After Liberalism") will make your brain happy. ... Read more

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A good survey of the animal rights movement
This book is a must-read for those who wish to understand the origins and evolution of the animals rights movement. While the authors are definitely biased toward animal rights, they remain objective when discussing thedifferences among the organizations and their leaders, giving the reader aneasy understanding of the many facets of the movement.The only thingmissing here is the range of voices and the passion of the individuals, asthe authors rely heavily on landmark philosophical books and not at all oninterviews.

excellent
This is an excellent book- intelligent, thoughtful and interesting.For the person who wrote from washington- get educated and stop relying on false assumptions regarding hunting and the meat industry.I reccommendthis book to anyone. Thanks!

Hated it
This book is poorly written.If you were very sick the medicine you would use to get better was tested on an animal would you rather die than get better?Hunting is ok.If people didn't hunt then the animals wouldoverpopulate and die.But people don't know this.I would not recommendthis to anyone.

Absolutely accurate, and detailed history!
Having been very active in the animal rights movement for many years, and, incidently, included in this book, I was exceedingly impressed by the well researched and accurate information contained therein.As much as Ithought I knew, I learned an enormous amount about the animal rightsmovement.

The Finsen's have no benefit to be gained, nor any reasonwhatsoever to temper their data in any direction, other than their respectfor life.Many who have written about the movement are leaders orassociates of organizations. However unintentional, their opinions and dataseem to slant toward their own interests or groups.

The Finsen's, here,accomplish what they wished to do, which is only to accurately relay thehistory of the movement, and document those groups and actions that havebrought about major change in the public's thinking of many controversialissues.

I am indebted to the Finsens for this exceptionally detailed andaccurate publication.I consider this book one of the very few that MUSTbe read by anyone who cares about, or works on behalf of, animals,everywhere. ... Read more

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Exploring the Roots of Modern American Morality
"A Consuming Faith" is an important study of the ideology of the Social Gospel movement present among American Christians during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Susan Curtis argues that the Social Gospel provided a necessary linkage between the Protestant-Victorian construct of society of the nineteenth century and the more secular consumer culture that emerged following World War I. Most Social Gospel reformers of the 1890s shared middle-class origins and a concern for the underside of America civilization. They have been portrayed, usually accurately, as a generation of Christian reformers who gave up their middle-class comforts to enter a world of squalor and hopelessness to help others. They ministered in ways that were fundamental to an urban underclass.

Curtis confesses in her preface that she was skeptical of the "do-gooder" image of those involved in the Social Gospel movement. Not surprisingly, therefore, she found good reason for skepticism. "For these American Protestants, responsible for acts of courage and kindness in the name of social justice," she wrote, "were also men and women bedeviled by private anxieties that impelled them into the arena of reform" (p. xi).

Carrying farther the well-established theories of status anxiety developed for progressive reformers of the same era by George D. Mowry and Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., Curtis argued that they not only honestly wanted to accomplish good in the world but also desired to find meaning in a world undergoing rapid and sustained change in response to forces collectively identified as modernity. According to Curtis a range of motivations propelled the Social Gospelers and their activities; some overt and others subconscious, some lofty and others more base.

The Social Gospel, Curtis suggested, emerged in response to the dislocations of the industrial revolution in the late nineteenth century, including large-scale immigration and rapid and sustained urbanization. In its early expression the Social Gospel brought to the fore a sustained critique of industrial capitalist society and helped to displace the traditional American Christian concern for afterlife and eternity with an emphasis on the welfare of humanity in the here and now.

For Social Gospelers the Kingdom of God was very much of this world and not the next. It was something of a utopian vision that represented a spiritual condition where righteousness and justness are partners with goodwill and charity. The result would be what Washington Gladden, one of the reformers profiled here, defined as "social salvation." To accomplish it Social Gospel advocates organized cooperative ventures, undertook political activism, and engaged in a variety of reform efforts with specific goals. The heart of Curtis' interesting and convincing thesis is that some of the elements of the Social Gospel's ideology, as well as its members' desires, sought a place not in opposition to industrialism and modern society but in concert with it. Bound up in a dramatic cultural transformation as the older Protestant- informed Victorian order gave way to a modern, secular American society after World War I, the Social Gospel moved more in parallel rather than in apposition with these trends. By the 1920s, Curtis concluded, the adherents to the Social Gospel's ideas and actions made it easier for Protestant Americans to embrace a secular culture in which Protestantism was not prominently featured. They contributed to an American culture that validated abundance, consumption, and self-realization. Social Gospelers, reformers though they were, created not a critique of modern capitalism, but rather a consuming faith in the material abundance it promised (p. 278).

The Social Gospelers, therefore, not only accomplished positive social ends on a broad front but also established an intellectual rationalization for modernity that allowed contentment with the world. Curtis demonstrates this thesis through a series of biographical portraits of fifteen Americans involved in a variety of Social Gospel activities. In subtle ways these individuals came to embrace modernity and the secular social system that emerged in the 1920s.

There is much to praise and little to criticize in "A Consuming Faith." Susan Curtis argues her case well, and offers a convincing thesis explaining certain aspects of the paradigm shift that took place in American society between the 1890s and the 1920s. The most important caution I would offer, of course, relates to how far the intellectual leaders of any group reflected the opinions of the rank and file. Howard Zinn's warning is appropriate in this instance: "There is an underside to every Age about which history does not often speak, because history is written from records left by the privileged. We learn...about the thinking of an age from its intellectual elite" (Howard Zinn, "The Politics of History" (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1970), p. 102). Can a series of fifteen elites accurately define the ideological origins and development of such an amorphous movement as the Social Gospel? That question may be unanswerable, certainly it would require some very detailed and imaginative historical research to arrive at a satisfactory answer. Having raised this question, I should add that this is not a major flaw of A Consuminq Faith. I would suggest, however, that readers bear the question in mind when considering the book.

"A Consuming Faith" is an important discussion of a significant reform effort that helped shape modern American society. It is one of several refreshing books to appear recently on the development of American religion. It should be of use to anyone interested in the development of American religion and culture at the beginning of the twentieth century. As a sophisticated analysis of several historical trends focused through the lens of the Social Gospel, it is at once religious, social, and intellectual history and probably some other types of history yet unnamed. Those seeking staid history with emphasis on the minutiae of organizations and denominations will be disappointed. Those readers pondering broader vistas, however, will be rewarded by considering Curtis' work. ... Read more

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Making Waves unearths the successive, worldwide waves of revolts, rebellions, and revolutions that have shaken and remade the world from the eighteenth century to the present. It challenges us to rethink not only our limited conceptions of social movements but the very character and possibilities of social movements. The authors show how successive outbursts of global social protest have undermined world capitalist orders and, through both their successes and their failures, provided the basis for long periods of stable capitalist rule across all the zones of the world-economy. The surprises start in the Age of Revolution, when the antisystemic wave of slave revolts that led to the Haitian Revolution is related to the systemic effects of their combination with the U.S. and French Revolutions. The analysis comes up to the present, when a wave of post-1989 movements points to quite divergent futures based, as in the past, on the search for alternatives to communities organized by capital accumulation, nation-states, and the accelerating commodification and fragmentation of human needs, identities, and desires. ... Read more

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In this vivid ethnography of social movements in the barrios, or poor shantytowns, of Caracas, Sujatha Fernandes reveals a significant dimension of political life in Venezuela since President Hugo Chávez was elected. Fernandes traces the histories of the barrios, from the guerrilla insurgency, movements against displacement, and cultural resistance of the 1960s and 1970s, through the debt crisis of the early 1980s and the neoliberal reforms that followed, to the Chávez period. She weaves barrio residents' life stories into her account of movements for social and economic justice. Who Can Stop the Drums? demonstrates that the transformations under way in Venezuela are shaped by negotiations between the Chávez government and social movements with their own forms of historical memory, local organization, and consciousness.

Fernandes portrays everyday life and politics in the shantytowns of Caracas through accounts of community-based radio, barrio assemblies, and popular fiestas, and the many interviews she conducted with activists and government officials. Most of the barrio activists she presents are Chávez supporters. They see the leftist president as someone who understands their precarious lives and has made important changes to the state system to redistribute resources. Yet they must balance receiving state resources, which are necessary to fund their community-based projects, with their desire to retain a sense of agency. Fernandes locates the struggles of the urban poor within Venezuela's transition from neoliberalism to what she calls "post-neoliberalism." She contends that in contemporary Venezuela we find a hybrid state; while Chávez is actively challenging neoliberalism, the state remains subject to the constraints and logics of global capital. ... Read more

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A highwayscribery "Book Report"

highwayscribery wanted to tell you about "The Other Women's Movement," by a Rutgers University professor named Dorothy Sue Cobble.

The text relates specifically to organized labor and focusing on it through a patented highwayscribery "book report" maintains continuity with the previous post's theme - the Teamsters organizing victory at the L.A. Times.

The reason for reading this academic thesis was a little primary research for a screenplay dramatizing the 1964 Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union drive to organize bunnies at the Detroit Playboy Club.

The force behind this effort was a left-over from 1930s union activism, one Myra Wolfgang, "the battling belle of Detroit." A rebel woman who had helped organize the Woolworths lunch counters during the Great Depression.

Years later, she was something of a national figure to the extent women were paid attention to at all and held a position as a national vice president of the Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union.

She was old school. Betty Friedan called her an "Aunt Tom," for what she considered Wolfgang's subservience to union bosses. Wolfgang responded that Friedan was the Chamber of Commerce's Aunt Tom.

Anyway, Wolfgang sent her 17-year old daughter into the Playboy Club as a union "salt"- an insider - and began the successful drive.

She said Hugh Hefner's "Playboy Philosophy" perpetuated the notion that women should be, "Obscene and Not Heard."

That's the scribe's title. Go ahead and try to steal it, he can use the publicity.

Anyway, Cobble knows a lot about Myra Wolfgang, waitress unions, and the Playboy campaign in particular so the scribe went out and ordered her book from Princeton University Press.

It was the wrong book. The one (hopefully) with all the Playboy stuff is in "Dishing It Out: Waitresses and Their Unions in the 20th Century."

But this book was interesting and will serve to deepen the scribe's indoctrination prior to scribbling that story.

"The Other Women's Movement," is what Cobble believes to have been a forgotten generation largely excluded from the story of feminism as currently redacted.

That story, and the scribe admits to not having known this, involved a "first wave" of feminists in the suffragettes' era (early 1900s) and a "second wave" of the 1960s spawned and led by the Betty Friedans and Gloria Steinems of the world.

Cobble's thesis is that in between these two waves was a crucial period peopled with a special breed of "labor feminists" who took root and then cover in their unions during what was the heyday of organized syndicates in the United States. They took the form of activists in large feminine "auxiliaries" to the unions, and later as members and leaders themselves.

The labor feminists tackled, early, the questions women are still dealing with today; the need to make employers understand that "time" itself is the most valuable commodity to a woman with family; and that less work, rather than more money, is preferable to them.

This book reviews the debate between working class women in unions and those in a more conservative outfit called the National Women's Party, which first (and the scribe did not know this either) floated the idea of that Equal Rights Amendment feminists pushed until the mid-`80s.

Later, all feminists were behind ERA, but in the beginning, the factory girls and servers felt it was a Republican ruse for allowing employers to circumvent the real issues of industrial democracy, wages, and job security they fought for in statehouses and at the collective bargaining table.

Cobble successfully renders the exciting rebel-girl beginnings of, Wolfgang, Anne Draper, Ruth Young, Esther Peterson, Gladys Dickason, and a long cast of worthwhile characters you've never heard of, and follows the threads of each's long career dedicated to the same issues that fired their youths.

Labor feminists were split amongst themselves and others in the women's movement over whether special labor laws protecting women in particular (capping hours, preventing dismissal for pregnancy) actually kept women apart, or separate, and thus more vulnerable to being judged as "less" than men.

Others wanted no special protections, just the same rights everybody else had. These latter eventually won out, but only with the slow passing of the labor feminists and their influence on women in America

So that is what was interesting about the thesis; the airing out of bread and butter issues afoot in the land or at least among the womanry. It shows the cracks and coalescence and the interests that separated women by class and race when it came to defining exactly the kind of "progress" women should aspire to.

It reminds us that these debates are going on today and provides a primer on the roots of those debates.

More than anything, and as was to be expected, the labor feminists were concerned with the workplace and Cobble argues that such should be the focus today, work having the feature role it does in most our lives.

The sixties wave of feminism offered some correctives to the labor feminist doctrine, Cobble says, but also accepted, rather quietly, some if its most important analyses of work, class and their relation to women's position in society, beyond gender itself.

Superb and Genius
A brilliant novel that sets precedents. ... Read more

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What can we learn when we listen closely to and engage in dialogue with social movement activists?

Social Movements and Activism in the USA addresses this question for a group of progressive activists in Hartford, Connecticut, who do community, labor, feminist, gay and lesbian, peace, and anti-racist organizing. Situated within the twenty-first-century landscape of post-industrialism and neo-liberalism and drawing on oral histories, the book argues for a dialogic and integrative approach to social movement activism. The dialogue between scholar and activist captures the interpretive nature of activists' identity, the variable ways activists decide on strategies and goals, the external constraints on activism, and the creative ways activists manoeuvre around these constraints. This dialogic approach makes the book accessible and useful to students, scholars, and activists alike. The integrative nature of the text refers to its theoretical approach. Rather than advancing a new theory of social movements, it uses existing approaches as a tool kit to examine the what, how, who, and why of social movement activism.

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Nonviolent Social Movements is the first book to offer a truly global overview of the dramatic growth of popular nonviolent struggles in recent years. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

some good material here
Like all anthologies, this is a bit of a mixed bag, but overall it is strong. Even the weaker peices are OK. Some of the essays are just summaries of the history of nonviolent action in some geographical region. Sort of interesting, but I found those pieces to have too much information crammed into too little space. Fortunately, most of the articles are case studies of particular nonviolent campaigns or movements. Some of them are simply narratives--it's not clear what lessons are to be drawn. Most of these case studies analyze the movement or campaign in question in such a way that activists can draw some valuable lessons from them, although in some cases the lessons are left implicit instead of being spelled out, which is kind of annoying. These lessons include both ideas on the application of nonviolent tactics and examinations about how these tactics have diffused from one group or region to another. Finally, there are a few more theoretical pieces, including the conclusion by Zunes and Kurtz, which I thought was the best thing in the book. They critique much nonviolent theory as being overly voluntarist--focusing too much on what social activists do and not enough on how the social and political contexts they are operating create different opportunities and constraints. Zunes and Kurtz argue for a balanced approach that analyzes systems of power and tries to understand how nonviolent activists can best put pressure on them, which is going to differ immensely depending on the larger context. Zunes and Kurtz also examine why nonviolent tactics have increasingly come to be favored over armed struggle--but also the ways in which nonviolent activists have needed to continually innovate as governments have gotten wise and adopted effective means of diffusing the power of nonviolent activism (means that range from making it easy to get permits for marches to paramilitary death squads, depending on geographical region). Overall, this is a valuable source of information on nonviolent movements, what has worked and what hasn't.

nonviolent social movements:a geographical perspectives.
This Book provides an overview of nonviolent movements around the world.It shows how organised nonviolence action can be used as a weopan to bring democracy and to bring social chang. It begins from Africa,from 1919revolution in Egypt against British occupation to Iranian revolution whereopposition leader Khomeni called for non cooperation movement withshah'regime.It also covers nonviolent movements in Palestinian independencestruggle against Israeli occupation. In Europe,Grassroots movement inGermany in 1972-1985 using nonviolent action to transform society.Thennonviolent struggle against communist regime in East EuropeHungary,Czekoslavekia,Romania and Baltic states. In Asia,it includes fromPhillipines "people power revulution"against dictatorship toThailand and Burmish revolution against military power. InAfrica,nonviolence in anti-apartheid movement in south africa as well asstruggle of Ogani people(a distinct ethnic community)of Nigeria forpolitical and environmental rights. In Latin America it focusses onnonviolent struggle against violent oppression by military regimes andorganisation of SEPRAJ and other church related institutions. Lastly,InAmerica nonviolent civil rights movement carried out by Martin Luther Kingjr. It is a very good reference source .

nonviolent social movements:a geographical perspectives.
This Book provides an overview of nonviolent movements around the world.It shows how organised nonviolence action can be used as a weopan to bring democracy and to bring social chang. It begins from Africa,from 1919revolution in Egypt against British occupation to Iranian revolution whereopposition leader Khomeni called for non cooperation movement withshah'regime.It also covers nonviolent movements in Palestinian independencestruggle against Israeli occupation. In Europe,Grassroots movement inGermany in 1972-1985 using nonviolent action to transform society.Thennonviolent struggle against communist regime in East EuropeHungary,Czekoslavekia,Romania and Baltic states. In Asia,it includes fromPhillipines "people power revulution"against dictatorship toThailand and Burmish revolution against military power. InAfrica,nonviolence in anti-apartheid movement in south africa as well asstruggle of Ogani people(a distinct ethnic community)of Nigeria forpolitical and environmental rights. In Latin America it focusses onnonviolent struggle against violent oppression by military regimes andorganisation of SEPRAJ and other church related institutions. Lastly,InAmerica nonviolent civil rights movement carried out by Martin Luther Kingjr. It is a very good reference source . ... Read more

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CyberProtest explores the effects of the synergy between ICTs and people power, analyzing the implications for politics and social policy at both a national and a global level. ... Read more

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Very important recent work
Michael P. Young's reviewers have been amazed by the fact that he has attempted to tackle a long-trodden era and issue and develop new interpretations using the sociological method.These reviewers are correct, and perhaps the most important interpretive work since Robert Abzug's _Cosmos Crumbling_ has come out of the University of Texas as Austin's faculty to further understand the multiple reform movements in the United States.

My only personal qualm is that like many other monographs of this type, the author's focus revolves around the established Presbyterian and Congregationalist denominations - something that we might want to move past, especially considering the fact that Nathan Hatch's groundbreaking _The Democratization of American Christianity_ is nearing ten years old.Also, this work will strike readers who are already engrossed in the field as much more important, as it remains what it is: a reinterpretation and realignment of research - albeit a very important one. ... Read more

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Cedric Robinson traces the emergence of Black politicalcultures in the United States from slave resistances in the 16th and17th centuries to the civil rights movements of the present. Drawingon the historical record, he argues that Blacks have constructed botha culture of resistance and a culture of accommodation based on theradically different experiences of slaves and free Blacks. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (2)

Easy read and very informative
I just started the book for a class but it is very well written and easy to follow. I love this book and it will stay on my shelf for life. Every black person should have this as well as a few other books about the African experience.

Great Package
The book was as new as specified when I received the package. Loved it. Keep it up. ... Read more

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Although Americans like to believe that they live in a classless society, Stanley Aronowitz demonstrates that class remains a potent force. Defining class as the power of social groups to make a difference, he explains that social groups such as labor movements, environmental activists, and feminists become classes when they make demands that change the course of history.

“With How Class Works Aronowitz puts the subject of social class squarely on the intellectual agenda—though in a new, inclusive, and dynamic form. Like his influential False Promises, How Class Works is both intellectually exciting and morally challenging.”—Barbara Ehrenreich

“In How Class Works Aronowitz argues for the enduring vitality of the concept of social class as a way of understanding social relations. This is a significant contribution to social theory, an argument certain to be widely considered, debated, and tested.”
—George Lipsitz, author of American Studies in a Moment of Danger

“An intellectually captivating book on a topic that remains as timely and significant as ever.”—Howard Kimeldorf, University of Michigan

Stanley Aronowitz is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York.
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Product Description
The World Social Forum has become a space for organized citizens to come together for different purposes (support, updates, education, coordination, campaigns, etc.). It has also become a sign of a massive aspiration for the global spread of democratic principles. Its intercultural complexities have not deterred participant organizations from experimenting with new forms of participation and action. The way in which populations from distant corners of our planet have engaged in an open dialogue within the WSF calls also for new ways of understanding such political engagements. This work offers an insight through an anthropological perspective, which suggests a way to observe and analyze complex intercultural dialogues on our common future. ... Read more