Product Description
PRESIDENT CARTER'S COURAGEOUS ASSESSMENT OF WHAT MUST BE DONE TO BRING PERMANENT PEACE TO ISRAEL WITH DIGNITY AND JUSTICE TO PALESTINEAmazon.com Review
The crowning achievement of Jimmy Carter's presidency was the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt, and he has continued his public and private diplomacy ever since, winning the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for his decades of work for peace, human rights, and international development. He has been a tireless author since then as well, writing bestselling books on his childhood, his faith, and American history and politics, but in Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, he has returned to the Middle East and to the question of Israel's peace with its neighbors--in particular, how Israeli sovereignty and security can coexist permanently and peacefully with Palestinian nationhood.

It's a rare honor to ask questions of a former president, and we are grateful that President Carter was able to take the time in between his work with his wife, Rosalynn, for the Carter Center and Habitat for Humanity and his many writing projects to speak with us about his hopes for the region and his thoughts on the book.

A big thank you to President Carter for granting our request for an interview.

An Interview with President Jimmy Carter

Q: What has been the importance of your own faith in your continued interest in peace in the Middle East?
A: As a Christian, I worship the Prince of Peace. One of my preeminent commitments has been to bring peace to the people who live in the Holy Land. I made my best efforts as president and still have this as a high priority.

Q: A common theme in your years of Middle East diplomacy has been that leaders on both sides have often been more open to discussion and change in private than in public. Do you think that's still the case?
A: Yes. This is why private and intense negotiations can be successful. More accurately, however, my premise has been that the general public (Jewish, Christian, and Muslim) are more eager for peace than their political leaders. For instance, a recent poll done by the Hebrew University in Jerusalem showed that 58% of Israelis and 81% of the Palestinians favor a comprehensive settlement similar to the Roadmap for Peace or the Saudi proposal adopted by all 23 Arab nations and recently promoted by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice. Tragically, there have been no substantive peace talks during the past six years.

Q: How have the war in Iraq and the increased strength of Iran (and the declarations of their leaders against Israel) changed the conditions of the Israel-Palestine question?
A: Other existing or threatened conflicts in the region greatly increase the importance of Israel's having peace agreements with its neighbors, to minimize overall Arab animosity toward both Israel and the United States and reduce the threat of a broader conflict.

Q: Your use of the term "apartheid" has been a lightning rod in the response to your book. Could you explain your choice? Were you surprised by the reaction?
A: The book is about Palestine, the occupied territories, and not about Israel. Forced segregation in the West Bank and terrible oppression of the Palestinians create a situation accurately described by the word. I made it plain in the text that this abuse is not based on racism, but on the desire of a minority of Israelis to confiscate and colonize Palestinian land. This violates the basic humanitarian premises on which the nation of Israel was founded. My surprise is that most critics of the book have ignored the facts about Palestinian persecution and its proposals for future peace and resorted to personal attacks on the author. No one could visit the occupied territories and deny that the book is accurate.

Q: You write in the book that "the peace process does not have a life of its own; it is not self-sustaining." What would you recommend that the next American president do to revive it?
A: I would not want to wait two more years. It is encouraging that President George W. Bush has announced that peace in the Holy Land will be a high priority for his administration during the next two years. On her January trip to the region, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has called for early U.S.-Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. She has recommended the 2002 offer of the Arab nations as a foundation for peace: full recognition of Israel based on a return to its internationally recognized borders. This offer is compatible with official U.S. Government policy, previous agreements approved by Israeli governments in 1978 and 1993, and with the International Quartet's "roadmap for peace." My book proposes that, through negotiated land swaps, this "green line" border be modified to permit a substantial number of Israelis settlers to remain in Palestine. With strong U.S. pressure, backed by the U.N., Russia, and the European Community, Israelis and Palestinians would have to come to the negotiating table.

1/18/2007

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From Publishers Weekly
The term "good-faith" is almost inappropriate when applied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a bloody struggle interrupted every so often by negotiations that turn out to be anything but honest. Nonetheless, thirty years after his first trip to the Mideast, former President Jimmy Carter still has hope for a peaceful, comprehensive solution to the region's troubles, delivering this informed and readable chronicle as an offering to the cause. An engineer of the 1978 Camp David Accords and 2002 recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, Carter would seem to be a perfect emissary in the Middle East, an impartial and uniting diplomatic force in a fractured land. Not entirely so. Throughout his work, Carter assigns ultimate blame to Israel, arguing that the country's leadership has routinely undermined the peace process through its obstinate, aggressive and illegal occupation of territories seized in 1967. He's decidedly less critical of Arab leaders, accepting their concern for the Palestinian cause at face value, and including their anti-Israel rhetoric as a matter of course, without much in the way of counter-argument. Carter's book provides a fine overview for those unfamiliar with the history of the conflict and lays out an internationally accepted blueprint for peace.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Customer Reviews (741)

Many facts presented but terribly biased
Former President Carter is obviously endeared to this land and the Palestinian people.He took the time to get to know the Palestinian leaders from all sides of the political spectrum, civilians, and educated authorities in the area.Unfortunately, he did not take the time to mention if he had similar meetings with equivalent Israelis.Carter lays much blame for the failed peace process on Israel, with the continuous settlement building.However the Arabs retaliate by suicide bomb attacks.Carter fails to mention that nearly every Israeli that has lost their life in these wars has been a civilian.Israelis couldnt go out to eat, go to the grocery store, go to school without fearing that they will be murdered.Israel is criticized for their retaliation, but why shouldnt they use the arsenal they have? The Arabs would...Their terrorist leader, Yassir Arafat, had a similar belief as the Iranian leader does today, destroy Israel.Yet when Israel retaliates, they do kill civilians as collateral damage.The Arab militants hide among the civilians so its near impossible to get them alone.The main issue with this book is that while there is some blame pointed at the palestinians, it does not mention the slaughter of palestinian suicide bombings enough.There is a lot of blame to go around and according to Carter, most of it lies with Israel.But suicide bombings lead to security fences and check points.Carter doesnt blame the inability of the Palestinians (even to this day) to have somewhat of a unified voice.without knowing who is empowered to not just agree to terms, but to ensure they are adhered to is a major problem.

His point of view is way too unbalanced and biased.There is a section of the book dedicated to understanding the Palestinian public, not the Israelis.Also it seems every proposal sent to Israel has key issues that are not acceptable to Israel, yet they are continuously brought back to the table.Of course they will fail Jimmy!No means no. Israel is stuck living in a situation that every neighbor wants them gone.Leaders of countries willing to deal with Israel have been murdered for doing so.Israel must do what they need to do to ensure the safety of their citizens.

The big problem is that despite what has happened, the Palestinians dont do anything to educate themselves.they only go to schools that teach Islam.They need to learn how to read, write, communicate and use math to contribute in the global society.where is the desire for inginuity and education?When Israel left gaza in 2005, it was a flourishing land.The Palestinians turned it into a ghetto and have no growth.The Israelis left fertile land behind, but its obviously not being used.The Palestinians, 5 years later, are still dependant on Israel to provide electricity and water to them in gaza.if they want their independence, they need to do this all by themselves.

Jimmy Carter ranks among the worst US Presidents.Its no wonder that in the 1970s our nation faltered, Carter spent a lot of time meeting with Arabs.All this time spent, one would think that he would have negotiated oil prices for the US for years to come.Jimmy obviously cares, but he needs to take a more balanced approach in the process and his writing.

If you're interested in reading books on this subject, Alan Dershowitz has written a few that I found to be a lot more direct and even about who's responsible for the issues.

The Hobo Philosopher
Palestine

Peace not Apartheid

By Jimmy Carter

Book Review

By Richard E. Noble

This book is a synopsis or outline of President Jimmy Carter's many years of attempting to solve the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

It is organized, simple, straight forward and to the point. The Israeli Government was very upset with the ex-President's analysis of the problem. I think this is because Mr. Carter views the Palestinians as justified, legal cohabiters in the right to ownership of the territory involved in this dispute rather than from the Israeli perspective that the Palestinians are terrorists and anarchists who are unfortunately living within the borders of Israeli lands whose goals include fomenting insurrection for the purposes of destroying and undermining the Israeli homeland and government. This is an obviously large gap in perspectives.

Jimmy starts the book with a brief analysis of all the countries involved. In a few short pages he describes each country and the stability and direction of their political systems. This was very enlightening to me. It was surely an oversimplification of each country, maybe even considered a caricature by experts, but perfect for the purposes of those of us who are not educated in the modern history of the various countries involved and only know what we "read in the papers"and hear on the nightly news.

The book contains an appendix with all the various resolutions and compromises that have been suggested and sometimes agreed to over the years.

Mr. Carter's analysis is cold and blunt. If the President has a defect it is probably his inability to temper what he considers the truth.

The book is not filled with belly laughs but I did get an occasional smile. Like when he spoke to a group of Israelis at a political forum in Israel and mentioned to his audience that he was surprised that the questions from the Israeli audience received considerably more applause than his answers. And after you have read the book the reason will be clear.

The Book closes with The President's ...
Bottom Line: "Peace will come to Israel and the Middle East only when the Israeli government is willing to comply with international law, with the Roadmap for Peace, with official American policy, with the wishes of the majority of its own citizens - and honor its own commitments - by accepting its legal borders. All Arab neighbors must pledge to honor Israel's right to live in peace under these conditions. The United States is squandering international prestige and goodwill and intensifying global American terrorism by unofficially condoning or abetting the Israeli confiscation and colonization of Palestinian territories.
It will be a tragedy - for the Israelis, the Palestinians, and the world - if peace is rejected and a system of oppression, apartheid, and sustained violence is permitted to prevail."

After reading this book and several others on the subject I have a personal and much more cynical bottom line.
I think that peace will come to that area when either the Palestinians or the Israelis vacate the area and find another home.

The Israelis are not leaving and they never will. Israel is the Jewish last stand. They will do whatever they feel is necessary to survive ... whatever!

The Palestinians receive token and guilt money from their Arab brothers but no Arab country wants the Palestinians in their territory. They have been chased out of every country in the area that has been strong enough to do so. Even their Arab brothers wish that they would disappear. The Palestinians should cut their losses, take as much land as they can negotiate and petition the Israelis and the governments of the world for as much money as they can get in the name of world peace. I feel the world and even Israel and the U.S. would be willing to commit substantial amounts. With that land and money they should build themselves a country of their own where all Palestinians are welcome.

Whether they have been treated justly or not is no longer of any concern.

Books written by Richard Noble - The Hobo Philosopher:
"Hobo-ing America: A Workingman's Tour of the U.S.A.."
"A Summer with Charlie" Salisbury Beach, Lawrence YMCA
"A Little Something: Poetry and Prose
"Honor Thy Father and Thy Mother" Novel - Lawrence, Ma.
"The Eastpointer" Selections from award winning column.
"Noble Notes on Famous Folks" Humor - satire - facts.
"America on Strike" American Labor - History
"A Baker's Dozen" Short Stories.
"Just Hangin' Out, Ma" Anecdotes - Lawrence, Mass

a different perspective
I liked the book. I believe Mr Carter has the right perspective on the situation. Israel will not resolve this problem because they do not wish to recognize the rights of the Palestine people. Mr Carter analogy of "Apartheid" fits the situation. I did not vote for Jimmy Carter but respect him and his opinions. I wish the American Government would do the right things and not be influenced by the Strong Jewish interests. The United Nation have resolutions (242)against Israel, that the US Government and Israel will not recognize.

Sad but true
I commend and admire Jimmy Carter for having the courage to take a politically unpopular view and write this book. I am sure he did this in the face of much opposition. Even though anyone who does not unconditionally support Israeli policies if often called anti-Semitic, I think he takes as fair and objective position as possible (much more unbiased than the U.S.). As sad and discouraging as it can be at times, the truth is the truth. This book should be required reading for all Americans, many of who are unaware or misinformed of this situation, and especially for our young people as part of their reading curriculum in high school. Sadly, given our political climate, this has a very slim chance of ever happening. In closing, I will just say Carter comes across in the book as exactly what he is: a man of great patience, peace and faith. "Blessed are the peacemakers..."

Stong Bias is Evident
This is my criticism after reading the book:

In the first chapter of the book Carter gives three unnegotiable conditions for the founding of a two state solution
among these are denouncing violence and recognizing Israel's right to exist. Although neither of these condtions have been met, he seems complacent criticizing Israel for non-withdrawl of the territories. Other area's which he attacks (walls, checkpoint, ect.) are also to prevent terrorist activities which he began the book so vehemently opposing.

Furthermore he spends plenty of time discussing times when Israel refused to agree on a peace agreement, but somehow is able to skip over the multipule times Palestinian leaders sabotaged effots. For example when first mentioning the Camp David 2000 Summit he alocates about a sentence describing how Arafat declined, and spends more time talking about how the Israeli's wouldn't have accepted it anyways. ... Read more

Product Description
In Marriage Gifts and Social Change in Ancient Palestine, T. M. Lemos traces changes in the marriage customs of ancient Palestine over the course of several hundred years. The most important of these changes was a shift in emphasis from bridewealth to dowry, the latter of which clearly predominated in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Whereas previous scholarship has often attributed these shifts to the influence of foreign groups, Lemos connects them instead with a transformation that occurred in Palestine's social structure during the very same period. In the early Iron Age, Israel was a kinship-based society with a subsistence economy, but as the centuries passed, it became increasingly complex and developed marked divisions between rich and poor. At the same time, the importance of its kinship groups waned greatly. Utilizing an interdisciplinary approach that draws heavily on anthropological research, cultural theory, archaeological evidence, and historical-critical methods, Lemos posits that shifts in marriage customs were directly related to these wider social changes. ... Read more

Product Description
Hanson and Oakman's award-winning and illuminating volume has become a widely used and cited introduction to the social context of Jesus and the early Jesus movement. This second edition updates all the discussions in light of more recent scholarship, improves clarity and readability of diagrams and maps, provides additional diagrams and images to enhance the book for student use, and includes new classroom resources, for professors and students, on a Companion Web site.
Along with an overview of the ancient Mediterranean worldview, Palestine in the Time of Jesus explores major domains and institutions of Roman Palestine: kinship, politics, economy, and religion. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (6)

Excellent
Received my book the day after I bought it and it was in amazing condition. Definitely recommend this seller!

Outstanding Diagrams and Clear Information
The book has outstanding diagrams that really add to one's understanding of the political, economic and social systems prevalent back then, although they take some serious studying to understand.

While the book is hardly easy reading, the authors have gone out of their way to make it user-friendly. There is a glossary, an accompanying CD and a website designed for readers of the book. It also has a great list of suggested reading at the back of each chapter - not just a list of books, but a targeted commentary on what book is best for the specific type of information you want.

I absolutely loved the content of this book, but I found the title misleading. I don't know how they define `social conflicts,' but I was looking for conflict between the classes - rich and poor, tax collectors and peasants, etc. If you're looking for explanations of how that played out socially, such as whether tax collectors were banned from the synagogue or could witness in court, don't buy this book.

I also wish it had more pages! Some of the cultural chapters left me with a realization of how much I don't know, rather than a clear idea of what I learned.

Disappointing
I was actually very disappointed with this book. I was expecting a discussion of Palestine in the Time of Jesus: Social Structures and Social Conflicts and not another detail (word-by-word) dissection of the bible which clearly sees the current King James Version of the bible as the true word of god.

Perhaps it's that I just finished, "Misquoting Jesus: The Story Behind Who Changed the Bible and Why," By: Bart D. Ehrman, which is a terrific introduction to the concept of the bible being crafted and changed by humans.

I was just not prepared for a book which suggests that readers of the bible, "Identify the biblical passages relevant to the topic, using a concordance: words and phrases; metaphors; conceptualities." (pg 164)

I was expecting a discussion of a day in the life of Palestine in the time of Jesus - A history class and not another religion class.

If you are already a true believer, then this book is for you. If you are looking for history, keep looking.

Palistine in the time of Jesus
Great book for anyone wishing to learn more about Palistime during the life of our LORD. There is a lot of interesting and informative information contained in this monograph.

Understanding the World Jesus Lived In
Palestine in the time of Jesus is an excellent resource for students of scripture, preachers, and anyone who is interested in life at the time of Jesus Christ. The book pays attention to the archeological evidence that can help us better understand scripture, but its greatest strength is the way in which it looks at the social world of Jesus' days. Hansen and Oakman delve into topics such as kinship, patronage, public religion (as opposed to personal faith) and economic realities. Some of the information in the book can be somewhat complicated, especially when a twenty first century reader attempts to think in terms of the mindset of a person living in ancient Palestine, but thinking in the mindset of a person in the ancient world can help a reader better understand the world Jesus was speaking to and apply the message to the world of today. Preachers who are tired of delivering the same old sermon or homily can find new twists for old passages after reading this book--insights that can challenge congregations to think about scripture in a new way without upsetting the faith.

The book has an ample bibliography fore students doing research. It also contains a scriptural and ancient writings index, an author cited index, as well as a general index for quick reference.

Just an interesting note: When I first purchased this book two years ago, I looked for reviews by putting the name Douglas Oakman in a search engine. In the process I came across his own website that includes a listing of his other publications as well as links to other scripture related sites. H e also includes links to some of his other interests including jazz and railroads. ... Read more

Product Description
From the late nineteenth century onward, men and women throughout the Middle East discussed, debated, and negotiated the roles of young girls and women in producing modern nations. In Palestine, girls' education was pivotal to discussions about motherhood. Their education was seen as having the potential to transform the family so that it could meet both modern and nationalist expectations. Ela Greenberg offers the first study to examine the education of Muslim girls in Palestine from the end of the Ottoman administration through the British colonial rule. Relying upon extensive archival sources, official reports, the Palestinian Arabic press, and interviews, she describes the changes that took place in girls' education during this time. Greenberg describes how local Muslims, often portrayed as indifferent to girls' education, actually responded to the inadequacies of existing government education by sending their daughters to missionary schools despite religious tensions, or by creating their own private nationalist institutions. Greenberg shows that members of all socioeconomic classes understood the triad of girls' education, modernity, and the nationalist struggle, as educated girls would become the "mothers of tomorrow" who would raise nationalist and modern children. While this was the aim of the various schools in Palestine, not all educated Muslim girls followed this path, as some used their education, even if it was elementary at best, to become teachers, nurses, and activists in women's organizations. ... Read more

Product Description
What explains the peculiar intensity and evident intractability of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Of all the "hot spots" in the world today, the apparently endless clash between Jews and Arabs in the Middle East seems unique in its longevity and resistance to resolution. Is this conflict really different from other ethnic and nationalist confrontations, and if so, in what way?

In this fully revised and updated second edition of his highly respected introductory text, Alan Dowty demystifies the conflict by putting it in broad historical perspective, identifying its roots, and tracing its evolution up to the current impasse. His account offers a clear analytic framework for understanding transformations over time, and in doing so, punctures the myths of an "age-old" conflict with an unbridgeable gap between the two sides.

Rather than simply reciting historical detail, this book presents a clear overview that serves as a road map through the thicket of conflicting claims. This expanded edition also includes a new chapter on the so-called 'fourth stage' of the conflict.

In this account the opposed perspectives of the two sides are presented in full, leaving readers to make their own evaluations of the issues. The book thus expresses fairly and objectively the concerns, hopes, fears, and passions of both sides, making it clear why this conflict is waged with such vehemence -- and why, for all that, there are some grounds for optimism. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (5)

Excellent Overview of the Entire Conflict
If you are looking for a concise overview of the entire Arab-Israeli conflict, this is the book. If you are looking for a book that identifies the essential information needed to understand the conflict, this is the book. And if you are looking for a book that gives both sides of the conflict equal time, this is the book. Professor Alan Dowty has done an amazing job explaining this complicated conflict and helping the reader understand the most likely solutions to the complex issues of the conflict.

The best and most up to date introduction to the subject
Alan Dowty's Israel/Palestine is simply the best, most coherent, concise, up to date, and balanced introduction to the tortured relations between Israel and the Palestinians available. It is scrupulously fair and even handed without sacrificing analytical rigor. It provides the historical background and dispels conventional myths; that it is an age-old conflict based on ethnic hatred rooted in religion and insoluble because of endless violence. He accurately and concisely defines the conflict as "the claim of two peoples for the same piece of land" (p.4). Dowty fairly relates both the Jewish and Arab narratives, the emergence of Israel, the "re-emergence" of the Palestinians as active players after the 1967 war up to the first Intifada to contextualize his insightful analysis of the failure of the Oslo peace process and its implications. He devotes a complete chapter to an examination of the core issues; territory and settlements, Jerusalem, security issues, and refugees which he concludes with a general prognosis. I quote just one of Dowty's many profound insights: "The lack of attention to one's own impact on the politics, society, and public attitudes of the other side seems to be a fixed attribute of Middle East conflicts. Perhaps the `winner' in the Arab-Israeli conflicted will be the first party to realize how much power it has to influence the internal dynamics of the other side and to use this power effectively" (200).The concluding chapter, "The Perfect Conflict" examines tragic aspects of the clash of right with right and the mutual sense of victimhood. Dowty critically examines the option of a binational state and rejects it as unpractical and supports the two-state solution as the only practical solution. He analyzes the role of the extremists on both sides and the policy of unilateral disengagement in his concluding analysis. I have used this book as a required text in an advanced undergraduate seminar in political science and my students are very enthusiastic about it. It is so well written without resort to professional jargon that it is appropriate for nonprofessionals interested in the subject. I highly recommend it.
Professor M.J. Aronoff (Rutgers University)

innnovative, perceptive, and insightful
Israel/Palestine is simply a great text.Against the backdrop of the plethora of highly polemic and biased works,which approach the Israeli-Palestinian predicament in a highly-charged and partisan manner,Professor Dowty's book is an immensely valuable contribution.The book is balanced,thoughtful and insightful.It is based upon a most scrupulous and comprehensive research.The author manages to beautifully and compellingly combine facts and analysis into a very coherent whole, and the outcome is an integrative,clear and concise interpretation of the origins and evolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.The book avoids any sweeping generalizations and wholesale accusations of any of the parties.It is nuanced and sophisticated,seeking to elucidate the core and dynamics of the conflict,which originated in certain incompatible ideologies,legacies and cultural experiences rather than in conspiracies or imperialistic schemes.It consistently juxtaposes these perspectives,and the outcome is a most analytical,well-written and powerful text,which is permeated with empathy for both sides and is based upon a most profound understanding ofhistorical processes.It is a must book for anyone interested in the conflict.

Excellent Book on Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
This is a truly excellent book on one of the most difficult conflicts in today's world, the dispute between Israelis and Palestinians over what Professor Dowty calls, thoughtfully, "Israel/Palestine".This small volume is as great an introduction to the conflict as I have read in a long time.

The book has many strong points. The most important among them:

1. It is genuinely balanced, giving a fair description, analysis and even prescription to a conflict on which almost anything said is considered biased by one party or the other (and often both!). Dowty achieves a measure of "objectivity" (assuming that true objectivity is beyond reach) by letting each party speak in its own voice.You will not find in this book straw men or cartoonish descriptions of what the conflicting parties allegedly believe. This fairness is as refreshing as it is unusual.

2. The book is very well written, as accessible as poissible, and clearly organized. Other books on the Arab-Israeli conflict run 800-900 pages; Dowty does it in 240 pages.While more details are, of course, possible--this small volume ought to be looked upon as an introduction, an invitation to learn more.

3. Professor Dowty identifies correctly the cause of the conflict as "the claim of 2 peoples to the same piece of land" (p. 4) and demolishes convincingly alternative explanations (myths that tend to perpetuate the conflict).

4. Although this is a brief book, I find it highly sophisticated.For example, the author offers a good, rational discussion of solutions to the conflict (pp. 77-79 and in other places)

5. Despite the space limitations that must have been imposed on the author, he makes good use of maps (without which one cannot understand the analysis) and, in general, his use of sources reflects his expertise.

This is a very useful book for college courses, the attentive public and intelligent readers interested in comprehending this highly complicated dispute.It supplies the historical background without which no fruitful discussion of the contemporary dilemmas can take place.If you are interested in UNDERSTADING the conflict rather than in propaganda (on either side), this volume should be on your shelf.

Tries to be fair, but does not entirely succeed
Alan Dowty really tries to be objective in this book.But I think that to be objective, one needs to be honest rather than "balanced."When one tells the truth, there will indeed be ugly facts about everyone.But that is all right.The problem comes in trying to achieve "balance" by inserting a few popular but malicious lies.These lies then can serve as a litmus test for some readers, who then consider you and your work to be discredited.

In this book, there is one question I wish the author would have asked more often when considering the Arab position.Namely, had the Jews done nothing offensive in any respect, what would the Arabs have done about it?In some cases, Dowty does admit that Arab "responses" would have been the same had there been no "provocation" at all.

The author begins with five points, none of which I entirely agree with:

1) This is not an age-old conflict.

Although the present violence seems to have started only in the past 130 years, the battle against Jewish rights in the Middle East has lasted for many centuries.

2) This conflict is not caused by ethnic hatreds.

To me, Arabic-speakers and Hebrew-speakers seem to be of different ethnicities.

3) This conflict is not rooted in a clash of religions.

Maybe so, but Islam is often invoked in the battle against Jewish rights.

4) This conflict is solvable.

Obviously it is solvable, but I'm not so sure it can be solved by giving land to land-rich Arabs and by making arbitrary rules against Jewish rights in the region.

5) The core of this conflict is two claims to the same land.

I doubt this.After all, even if the Arabs got every single inch of Israel and the West Bank, I suspect that few of them would be satisfied were Israel merely to move to Jordan or the Sinai (or, worse, Kuwait).I think the core of this conflict is whether Jews ought to have human rights.

To his credit, Dowty does note that the early Modern Zionists saw no problem with the fact that Arabs and others (including Jews) lived in the Levant.After all, the Zionists wanted human rights and justice for everyone.And he shows that one reason why Jews were a minority in the Levant (although they were a majority in Jerusalem by 1880) was that the Ottoman Empire had laws against them moving there, buying land, and building on land.I think those who look on these laws proudly and then claim the land for the Arabs on the grounds that Jews didn't move there are being dishonest, not just hypocritical.

The author does discuss the issue of whether there was a Levantine Arab people 100 years ago.But I think this issue is bogus: the Arabs have fought Jewish rights as Arabs, not as Levantine Arabs.And there is an argument that Arabs ought not allow Jews to "steal" any of their land.But that is bogus too: it would make the whole world off-limits to legitimate purchase of any land by minorities.

There is a mention of Deir Yassin.The Arabs did not like the Jewish victory at Deir Yassin.What is not said is that the Jewish attack on Deir Yassin was close to the very first attack on any town, anywhere, by Jews, as Jews, in well over 900 years.I think many Arabs would have screamed bloody murder about it even had no Arab been scratched, let alone seriously wounded or killed. For this reason, I tend to be somewhat suspicious of Arab claims of great Jewish wrongdoing here.I see the Jewish victory here as part of a triumph over tyranny, much like the Allied victory in 1942 at Stalingrad, albeit on a smaller scale.

The description of the 1967 Six-Day War is reasonable.But it fails to put Arab claims of merely defending themselves in perspective.One could equally well call the German invasion of Poland in 1939 "defensive."

Dowty says that in 1988, Arafat "renounced terrorism."That's untrue.At most, he pretended to say he renounced it. Dowty does point out that the Oslo Declaration of Principles, in 1993, was completely ambiguous.I agree with his implication that this was not very clever and was in fact a fatal flaw in them. The author mentions the 1996 Arab riots over the opening of a door to the Herodian tunnel, but fails to expose these as totally unprovoked by Israel. And while he does admit that the Arabs were the aggressors against Israel in 2000, he gives too much credence to their ridiculous claims that they merely wanted justice!

The author discusses the "demographic problem" in the region as if 5 million Jews are simply too few to dominate 8000 square miles (let alone 11,000) in peacetime.I think that in peacetime, the Jews and Levantine Arabs would each buy at least twice this much land.

The author concludes by asking if this conflict is a tragedy of Right against Right.This leaves me aghast.Would he say that the conflict between the Blacks and the Ku Klux Klan is one of Right against Right?Jewish rights do not preclude Arab rights, and Arab rights do not preclude Jewish rights.In my opinion, if the Arabs are willing to abide Jewish rights, the conflict will be over.There may indeed eventually be more (or other) Arab states.There may even be more than one Jewish state.But I see no need for any of this, and no need at all for a state whose only purpose is to terrorize some other state.

This is an interesting book, but it has some serious flaws.
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Three battles for the control of the key fortress-city of Gaza took place in 1917 between the `British' force (with units from across the Empire, most notably the ANZACs) and the Turks. The Allies were repulsed twice but on their third attempt, under the newly-appointed General Allenby, a veteran of the Western Front where he was a vocal critic of Haig's command, finally penetrated Turkish lines, captured southern Palestine and, as instructed by Lloyd George, took Jerusalem in time for Christmas, ending 400 years of Ottoman occupation. This third battle, similar in many ways to the contemporaneous fighting in France, is at the heart of this account, with consideration of intelligence, espionage, air-warfare, and diplomatic and political elements, not to mention the logistical and medical aspects of the campaign, particularly water. The generally overlooked Turkish defence, in the face of vastly superior numbers, is also assessed. Far from laying out and executing a pre-ordained plan, Allenby, who is probably still best remembered as T. E. Lawrence's commanding officer in Arabia, was flexible and adaptable, responding to developments as they occurred.JOHN D. GRAINGER is the author of numerous books on military history, ranging from the Roman period to the twentieth century. ... Read more

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battle for palestine
Contents ok. However written notes on almost every page not mentioned in book discreption. This should have made price lower. Will really think before buying from this seller again. ... Read more

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General Sir John Glubb was the last British pro-Consul of the region and commander of the
Arab Legion during the crucial years between 1936 and 1956. He was witness to the collapse of Palestine and the final foundation and establishment of the State of Israel. Now in paperback, this book looks at Glubb's personal vision of the Middle East and its peoples. Morris examines his reactions to the Arab Revolt in Palestine and the periodic plans to partition Palestine and establish a Jewish state. This masterful account offers the first in-depth look at Glubb's of his thinking, aims and actions during 1948, as he led his small army into Palestine and war against Israel.
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Fine scholarly study of vital period in Israeli history
This excellent book studies the career of John Glubb Pasha, the most influential of the British `orientalist' corps of officers and officials serving in the Middle East until 1956. He commanded the Transjordan Arab Legion from 1939 to 1956 and played an important part in setting up modern Jordan by helping King Abdullah to establish his rule. In 1948 he led the Legion to a limited victory in the first Arab-Israeli war.

Benny Morris, a leading Israeli historian, has based his book on extensive study in the archives of David Ben Gurion, the Israel Defence Forces, the Israeli State, the UN, the Haganah and St Anthony's College Middle East Centre, including the Glubb Papers, and in the Public Record Office.

Glubb retained the typical imperial contempt for both Jews and Arabs, especially for educated or urban people. But his opposition to Zionism was not based on his anti-Semitism, any more than his support for Arab aspirations was based on his anti-Arabism. He believed that opposing Zionism and supporting Jordan were policies that would strengthen Britain's hold in the Middle East. He was always a loyal servant of the British Empire, acting in what he saw as its best interests.

Morris supports the contention, made most notably by Avi Shlaim in his 1988 book, Collusion across the Jordan, that Israel and Jordan collaborated during the 1948 war. He shows how Israel and Jordan came to a secret understanding in November 1947 to partition Palestine and not to attack each other. Since the Transjordan Legion was much the best Arab force opposing Israel, the agreement showed that this war did not really threaten Israel with annihilation.

Jordanian forces invaded Palestine not to attack Israel but to annex its Arab-populated eastern regions. The Legion did not attack any area that the UN had planned for Israel. Israel broke the agreement by attacking the Legion in May, July and October 1948. The Legion took over the West Bank and East Jerusalem, saving them from Israeli conquest. King Abdullah had done what the British government wanted, strengthening Jordan at the Palestinians' expense. ... Read more

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Foreigners are flocking to Palestine, but not for Holy Land pilgrimages or beach vacations. This book tells two stories that have become intertwined in the Middle East: the Palestinians who, tired of waiting for U.N. peacekeepers, have called upon the world's activists for protection, and the people who are putting their lives on the line answering that call. Together these Americans, Palestinians, Israelis, and Europeans are making a non-violent, grassroots attempt to challenge the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

Customer Reviews (6)

A wonderfulBook
I read the book after I attended a Peace in the Middle East group discussion at a Boulder CO. where I met Ms. Nancy. She showed great honesty and intellectual spirit through total subjectivity in her thoughts during the meeting and in the book. It is a wonderful read for subjective intellects.

Essential book for those concerned with human rights
The primary function of the ISM is to participate with Palestinians in locally organized non-violence resistance to Israeli occupation, and to bear witness to the ongoing humanitarian, political, and social crises of the region. Membership in this organization is composed of an international array of activists concerned with the Palestinian crisis, and the achievement of equity and justice in the area.

Some of the activities that ISM volunteers regularly participate includes: Monitoring and documenting human rights abuses at some of the many dozens of military checkpoints;
Participate in the removal of roadblocks that restrict Palestinian movement;
Participate in nonviolent marches, demonstrations, etc.; Media work - informing international media of what is occurring in the Occupied territories and put them in touch with those who may speak to them; Participate in the annual Olive harvest with Palestinian farmers who are at high risk of injury due to violent attacks by Israeli settlers; And work with communities that are being affected by the building of the so-called "security wall" and are seeking creative ways to bring attention to and to resist the stealing of their land and means of livelihood. Moreover, ISM volunteers get involved with numerous other emergency situations from accompanying children through checkpoints to school in an effort to prevent them from being tear gassed for defying orders to return to their homes; to accompanying and making sure that ambulances are able to get through check points, to bringing food and supplies to families whose houses have been taken over by soldiers for military purposes and in which they are unable to leave; to the very important monitoring and documenting the unreported late night military invasions and the destruction such caused.

First, the ISM has been extremely influential in organizing and supporting various forms of non-violent resistance in Palestine. While Palestinians have a history of nonviolent resistance, the Israeli government considers all forms of resistance as dangerous and illegal. Thus it is not surprising that it is common to have Palestinians involved in actions that, say in the united states would be protected - like demonstrations - is met with incredible violence and arrests. ISM volunteers have come to participate in such nonviolent forms of resistance and as such, hopes that they will less dangerous for Palestinians to engage in and thus keeping such a form viable.

These non-violent forms of protest clearly do not receive anywhere the amount of attention by the media or others, as do violent forms of resistance, such as suicide bombings. Thus, left undiscussed is the structural and implicit violence that shapes everyday life for ordinarily Palestinians; this violence is not of a "spectacular" nature but, rather, hinges on repeated and routine forms of harassment (such as road checks, curfews over entire regions for many weeks, house searches, arrests without charges, verification and seizure of identification papers, obstacles to travel, and school and work closures) carried out by Israeli soldiers and settlers in the name of state security. However, nonviolent practices, besides the fact that they are the preferred method by ordinary Palestinians, they also exercise an important counter-effect to the relentless neo-Zionist position that all Arab others are "by nature" unruly, disorderly, and violent. It is through such rhetoric that Israel repeatedly casts itself as the civilized "first world" to the unruly "third world" -- even when that so-called and self identified "first world" is in the one who is in the process of barbarically colonizing the territory of that of the barbaric third world. This is one of the most fundamental problems in the media representation and popular understandings of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Perceiving that Israel - exercising a rote, disciplined, and routine form of violence is a "civilized" state, precisely because its use of violence in its everyday forms is so routine. Counter to that is the perception that the Arabs are fundamentally uncivilized because they use "barbaric" and sporadic methods of violence and intimidation. The problem with this perception is that it leaves unquestioned the Israeli state's use of everyday and ritualistic violence. Non-violent forms of protest trump both of the above options and, since these forms of protest come from the Palestinian side, they very importantly undermine the prevailing ideology concerning "unruly" Palestinians from which the Israeli state has gained so much mileage.

Second, the presence of ISM activists in the occupied territories brings a level of understanding to the conflict that would be completely impossible otherwise. Were it not for the information that activists bring to the outside world - through their writing, formal, and informal talks, the only news sources would be the media and strictly partisan viewpoints. It is the sustained and daily presence of activists in the daily life of Palestinians which allows participants to bring perspective and an in-depth knowledge of the ritual forms of harassment which these people must endure - everything from the constant crossing of borders and barricades, to the displacement of people due to the building of the "security wall", to the shooting of rubber bullets at children who maybe ignoring orders to return home just in order to go to school, or the effects of twenty-four hour curfews. Given the tendency of the American media at least to present a picture of the conflict that favors Israeli interests, it is absolutely indispensable to have a perspective which provides some balance to common representations. This is an important, though less obvious, form of resistance as well in the sense that it disrupts the continual flow of ideologically driven and one-sided representations.

Perhaps even more importantly and in a direct and tangible way, ISM activists can continue to counter the repeated acts of violence, harassment, and human rights violations which are such an ingrained aspect of daily life for Palestinians in the Occupied territories. These are state-generated techniques of violence and intimidation, which can only be countered by non-state generated and NGO supported forms of non-violent resistance.

Flawed and one sided
Live from Palestine: International and Palestinian Direct Action Against the Occupation is quite similar to the book Bethlehem Besieged, in that it is a very one-sided and biased view of things happening in the middle east.

The author's premise is akin to a boy who kills both his parents and then asks the judge for mercy since he is an orphan.

Much of the calamity the people of Bethlehem and Palestine face is due to their own shortsightedness and lack of true leadership.

Toss this one into the wastebasket
Do you want to do something destructive and immoral?Then this book may be for you!

It is about people who are doing their part to make a big mess out of human civilization.And it praises them!

Of course, human civilization will probably survive attacks on it.And those who are now so proud to fight against it will be forgotten, or at best, despised.

This book is racist propaganda that favors arbitrary discrimination against Asian Jews.The claim is that doing so will somehow help some Arabs, but I see no reason to believe that such an attack on human rights will help Arabs.

Want some facts?Then simply avoid this book.It starts by giving a little background information."Zionist forces launched assualts" against Arabs in December, 1947, it proclaims.Wow.In real life, it was the other way around, with the Arabs launching attacks on the Jews.And the book continues to make hash of history and reality.Many of the contributors are infamous for their hatred of truth on this subject, including Noam Chomsky, Mustafa Barghouti, Ed Said, Adam Shapiro, Rachel Corrie, and the Wicked Witch of the Middle East herself, Hanan Ashrawi.

Starhawk is one of the contributors, proving that being a Pagan does not give one immunity from supporting thugs.She argues that the fence that Israel has been putting up to try to save civilian lives from terrorist bombers is a bad thing.

Now I agree with Starhawk that we ought not fence people off from each other unnecessarily.We need peace in the area, and we need both Jews and Arabs to be able to live in all the nations of the Middle East.And this fence may look like a step in the wrong direction in that respect.

In fact, the fence is there simply to save some lives.If we keep letting bombers kill civilians, we'll have even less cooperation in the region.The real argument against the fence is that it may help save Jewish lives.And Starhawk is to be condemned for giving her voice in support of that.She's not doing any Pagans any favors by siding with the forces of tyrannical and arbitrary monotheist fanaticism.

I do not recommend this book.

For Truth Lovers!
For too long the public has been denied access to the truth about a place that touches deeply many of us, though in different ways: The Holy Land. World peace movement seems to draw towards centre stage only to provide an alternative to institutionalised human rights bodies that have lost focus as they became increasingly politicised. The legacy of our fellow citizens of the world, such as Rachel Cory, who put their lives on the line for the sake of truth, is quite gratifying. Live From Palestine is the voice of those truth lovers- their work is a promised land where the future may hold hope for those devastated by hostilities for so long. The book includes essays from a divers group of Israelis, Palestinians, and internationals who perhaps have not met in person but most certainly have on the level of consciousness. Live From Palestine intimately tells many stories, but one truth. It "documents the voices of Palestinian non-violent activists who have too often been censored from US mainstream media."

Also recommended: Image And Reality Of The Israel-Palestine Conflict, Norman Finkelstein; The Holocaust Against the Palestinians, Michael Hoffman and Moshe Lieberman. ... Read more

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One of the major questions facing the world today is the role of law in shaping identity and in balancing tradition with modernity. In an arid corner of the Mediterranean region in the first decades of the twentieth century, Mandate Palestine was confronting these very issues. Assaf Likhovski examines the legal history of Palestine, showing how law and identity interacted in a complex colonial society in which British rulers and Jewish and Arab subjects lived together.

Law in Mandate Palestine was not merely an instrument of power or a method of solving individual disputes, says Likhovski. It was also a way of answering the question, "Who are we?" British officials, Jewish lawyers, and Arab scholars all turned to the law in their search for their identities, and all used it to create and disseminate a hybrid culture in which Western and non-Western norms existed simultaneously. Uncovering a rich arsenal of legal distinctions, notions, and doctrines used by lawyers to mediate between different identities, Likhovski provides a comprehensive account of the relationship between law and identity. His analysis suggests a new approach to both the legal history of Mandate Palestine and colonial societies in general. ... Read more

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Middle East in 1798 and concluded with the founding of the Jewish state of Israel in 1948. Here was thedramatic confrontation of world empires, the clash of Islam with the Christian West, the fateful ties ofpolitics and religion, and the extraordinary transformation of Palestine from wasteland to dynamic country.Amazon.com Review
Though the current religious conflicts in Israel can be tracedback two millennium, the past 150 years have certainly determined thecurrent political reality. Beginning with Napoleon Bonaparte'sinvasion of Egypt in 1798 and extending to the birth of modern Israelin 1948, Weathered by Miracles is a concise and uncommonlybalanced history of one the world's most complex regions.

In a sense, Napoleon could be blamed for this mess. Though his bid forcontrol of the region was thwarted at the Palestinian town of Acre in1799, his attempt opened a channel between the East and West that hadbeen largely cut off since the Crusades of the 12th and 13thcenturies. The British came to the aid of the Ottomans to haltNapoleon, and in doing so, entrenched themselves in Palestine, a movethat would have long reaching political and nationalisticconsequences.

A second invasion of Palestine, this time successful, further cementeda connection with the West. In 1831, Egyptian viceroy Muhammad Aliconquered Palestine, drawing Russia, Britain, and France into adelicate power play with the eroding Ottoman Empire. He alsoencouraged foreign investment to raise needed revenue, and hedrastically altered the culture by granting Christians, Jews, andother non-Muslims the same protections under the law. Though Ali wassoon driven out, his policies remained, and the creation of a Britishvice-consulate in Jerusalem in 1838 (followed soon after by consulatesfrom other nations) signaled the beginning of substantial Westernpolitical influence within Palestine, a shift that would manifestitself most vividly in coming decades when Britain began to encouragea Jewish national homeland in Palestine, and Zionism took firmroot. As a result, Palestinians and neighboring Arabs began to viewthe West with suspicion and hatred--sentiments that were soontransferred to the incoming Jews.

The history of Palestine is a complicated mix of nationalistic,religious, and political aspirations by numerous competing factions,and Idinopulos chronicles this explosive period with admirable clarityand a colorful eye for detail. "Its smallness mocks the enormity ofthe ambitions that collided there," he writes. If both sides are everable to make peace, it would be a miracle indeed. --ShawnCarkonen ... Read more

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Some missing pieces
This book adds to information provided in other exceedingly well-documented books on the same period--including Arieh Avneri's Claim of Dispossession: Jewish Land Settlement 1878-1948 and Joan Peters' From Time Immemorial.

It too cites numerous British census, agricultural, statistical and other reports, and the writings of C.F. Volney, Mark Twain, Edward Robinson (1841) and British consul James Finn (1878). But Idinopulos also turns to other primary and secondary sources, including the 1854-59 German writings (still untranslated) of Ulrich Seetzen, who traveled the Middle East disguised as an Arab.

In the earliest chapters, Idinopulos confirms an important conclusion of Avneri and Peters--that a large Arab migration into Palestine followed the Jewish immigration that began in about 1870. He also notes that thousands of Jews previously lived in the land, and that Palestine was otherwise largely, though not completely, desolate. More than two thirds of the land west of the Jordan River was desert and swamp, including much of the coastal Sharon plain and the interior. Less than a third of it was fertile. Except for a few wealthy landed Muslim families, inhabitants were unlanded and conditions terrible.
Travelers were routinely attacked by Bedouin thieves. The Ottomans overtaxed everyone, adding for Jews and Christians special dhimmi "protection" taxes." Epidemics of Bubonic Plague, malaria and cholera were common.

Idinopulos, however, did not consult the rich Turkish, Jordanian, Egyptian, Russian or other sources used by Efraim and Inari Karsh in Empires of the Sand. That major drawback naturally limits and skews some conclusions.

For example, his map of the Palestine Mandate does not show land east of the Jordan River, although the Mandate included all of current-day Jordan, which Britain unilaterally ceded to the Emir Abdullah in 1922. Idinopulos breezes through this point, attributing its sole importance to political relations between the left-wing labor Zionists and right-wing Revisionists. Its significance was far greater than that.

In an unfootnoted passage, he also reports that in correspondence with King Faisal, Britain's Henry McMahon promised the Arabs domination over Palestine. This is the Arab view, adopted years after the 1915 correspondence.

Efraim and Inari Karsh and David Fromkin give a sharply different picture: McMahon felt he gave no such assurance, and the Karshes substantially document that Faisal knew it. Isaiah Friedman supports them, with translations of the original correspondence, in Palestine: A Twice Promised Land? Among the strongest evidence is Faisal's signature on a 1919 treaty with Chaim Weizman--agreeing that Palestine, including Jordan, was to be a national home for the Jews. Idinopulos omits that important treaty from his history.

We do learn that the Jewish people acquired land by legitimate purchases, often at above-market prices and that Arabs who complained of Jewish immigration "in the darkness of night were selling land to the Jews." British refusal to invest exacerbated problems, just as Ottoman tax laws had done. But while Zionist-induced prosperity increased the Arab population markedly, Arab violence also increased. Intense Arab inter-factional fighting was in part encouraged by Britain, by empowering Jerusalem Mufti Hajj Amin el-Husseini, had given power to the most uncompromising and divisive of Arab forces.

In 1937, the Peel Commission recommended a partition and population transfers like those that had occurred with the Greeks and Turks after their 1922 war. The Arabs rejected the plan because it allowed for a Jewish state, and in 1939, Britain attempted to appease the Arabs by cutting off Jewish immigration.

The early chapters are worth reading for the fine writing and detail. Overall, beware of the errors and glaring omissions. Alyssa A. Lappen ... Read more

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A brilliant history of the land into which more historical and cultural events were croweded than perhaps into any area of equal size. For Syria has either invented or transmitted to mankind such benefits as monotheistic religion, philosophy, law, trade, agriculture, and our allphabet. ... Read more

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`A detailed account, designed to illustrate the extent to which British policy in Palestine was sabotaged by the President's determination to give priority to domestic and personal electoral considerations over matters of American foreign, strategic and economic policy.' ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW ... Read more

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The Palestine conflict constitutes one of the most prolonged and complex disputes of the twentieth century.It has consistently dominated Arab-Jewish relations and has in turn been affected by social, political and ideological tensions and struggles within the Arab states as well as within Israel.This book describes the influence and the functions of the Palestine conflict in the history of a modernizing Arab state. ... Read more

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An inspiring new look at the monumental buildings of the Roman cities of the east: colonnaded streets, gates and triumphal arches; agora, markets, ornamental plazas: nymogaea. Segal analyses the way in which cities channelled their energies into the building of monumental structures to display their civic pride, their newly won economic affluence and their loyalty to Rome and the emperor. Finding inspiration in Rome, they competed with each other in the creation of public buildings to adorn the urban landscape. Extensively illustrated with plans and photos. ... Read more

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Albert Glock, Director of Birzeit Univeristy's Institute of Archaeology, was one of the first archaeologists to promote and foster research into the archaeological record of Palestinian Arabs. This volume commemorates his contribution to archaeology and education in Palestine and the Near East and includes studies by his colleagues and articles by Glock himself that were previously unpublished. Papers discuss: oral history, ethnoarchaeology, cultural traditions, ceramic studies, site abandonment and site formation processes, Early Bronze Age seals, mortuary customs, the future of archaeology in the Near East and much more besides. ... Read more

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This is an EXACT reproduction of a book published before 1923. This IS NOT an OCR'd book with strange characters, introduced typographical errors, and jumbled words.This book may have occasional imperfections such as missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. that were either part of the original artifact, or were introduced by the scanning process. We believe this work is culturally important, and despite the imperfections, have elected to bring it back into print as part of our continuing commitment to the preservation of printed works worldwide. We appreciate your understanding of the imperfections in the preservation process, and hope you enjoy this valuable book. ... Read more