Product Description
A Traveller's History of Cyprus offers a complete and authoritative history of the island's past and also touches on the sensitive present-day issues for both sides of the island.

Although Cyprus is a relatively small island, its position in the East Mediterranean has always given it strategic importance beyond its size. Well-placed for travel from all over the globe with plenty of sunshine throughout the year, Cyprus has become a favored tourist destination. All visitors, whether to the Greek or Turkish side of the island, discover the immensely rich history, which has resulted in so many civilizations making their mark upon its soil.

With a historical gazetteer, chronology of major events, index, bibliography and historical and contemporary maps, this book is an invaluable companion to students or visitors to the island. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (1)

Excellent history book
When I borrowed this book from the public library and read it I knew I had to own it. My goal is to visit Cyprus in 2009 and this book has increased my desire to do so. I not only learned of the great history of Cyprus, but also of the world from my favorite periods, The Ptolemic times to the middle ages, to many events in history that I look at today and wonder where that stems from. This book really opened my eyes to how the history of not only Cyprus relates to the rest of the world, but how the world is conjoined together. I love what the author did and I wish every travel book could do the same. ... Read more

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An updated survey of the partition of Cyprus. In a compelling study of great-power misconduct, Christopher Hitchens examines the events leading up to the partition of Cyprus and its legacy. He argues that the intervention of four major foreign powers, Turkey, Greece, Britain and the United States, turned a local dispute into a major disaster. In a new afterword, Hitchens reviews the implications of the Republic of Cyprus's applications for European union membership, the escalating regional arms race between Greece and Turkey, and last year's Greek Cypriot protests along the partition border. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (14)

Very biased against Turks
I am a Kurdish Turk and I know quite well how Turks can treat minorities, and like many empires Turks have been quite violent as well. The most powerful has always been the most violent. Ottomans, English, Germans, French and now USA. When I was reading this book, I got a sense of deep hatred against Turks, Christopher hitchens tries hard to hide his hatred agains Turks but he fails.

Hackneyed History

As much as I admire Christopher Hitchens, when it comes to Cyprus, he completely loses his mind.With this book, Hitchens falls into the intellectually lazy trap of forming his conclusions before seeking out material to support them. Essentially, he makes an argument, and then asks the reader to take his word for it. Although replete with quotes, the book contains almost no citations that the reader can trace to a source.

Hitchens makes it all seem so simple: the Cypriots and Greece are the virtuous ones, while the Turks, Britain, and the US are the villains. But anyone who has spent any time at all seriously researching this subject knows this just isn't so.


The book also contains so many historical howlers that anyone quoting it does so at his own peril. Because of its formulaic structure it might appeal to a popular audience, but has virtually no scholarly value. I, for one, am waiting for Mr. Hitchens to re-visit this subject, do the actual research, and come back with a book worthy of him.

Propaganda disguised as historical account
What is there to say about this book? Any serious reader of history will very quickly recognize this for what it is - an account of a conflict told from the perspective of one side. The attempt to make it appear impartial is quite pathetic. Well, at least he admits that he undertook the project in a fit of anger - it shows! I am really sorry I spent money on this book.

the truth
I applaud Hitchens for his important contribution to this serious issue of human rights negligence.America has to start taking responsibility for some of its fatal errors.This book will definately open your eyes to a country that really needs American political pressure now!
See also:http://cypruscandor.blogspot.com/

More anti Turkish drivel, just what we needed....
Aw, the poor blameless Greeks...victims after all, give me a break! These two countries have been either fighting or kissing for centuries! It seems to me the Western world is just falling into the same old trap of "if their Chirstian, they must be okay" syndrome. We all forget how powerful the Greek empire was, and why is it from the hundreds of Greeks and Turks I know drop the hatred of each other as soon as they step onto american soil? COMMON GROUND...set Cyprus and it's people both Greek and Turk free...they'll do fine without their mother countries and all of us and our uninformed opinions....why is it anytime Turks are part of the subject of a book, even a cookbook, they are told how evil they are by the reviewers? This review should be about the book, not how much an reader hates other people...creepy... ... Read more

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Cyprus is the third largest island in the Mediterranean, and lies at the nexus of many important ancient trade routes, from Asia Minor to Africa, from Persia, Assyria and other great eastern powers to Italy and Greece. In antiquity the island was famed for its great wealth, not only from trade but also from its natural resources of copper as well as wine and olive oil.

Recent excavations in Cyprus have radically altered our understanding of the earliest prehistory of the island. In this new appraisal Louise Steel explores the archaeological evidence for human occupation on Cyprus from the earliest hunter-gatherers and the first farming communities to the end of the Bronze Age. She examines major issues that dominate current research on Cypriot prehistory: island colonisation; population migrations; the interpretation of figured art; the emergence of social complexity; and the shift from isolation in earlier prehistory to a position at the centre of Mediterranean trade.

"Cyprus Before History" presents a social history of ancient Cyprus, exploring ways of life and death, changing farming practices and diet, social customs, early belief systems, and interaction with the Cypriot landscape and the wider Mediterranean. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (1)

Excellent account of how the British colonials saw their rule
For Cypriot readers Tabitha Morgan's new study into British colonial rule in Cyprus might be disconcerting. As one would expect from a BBC correspondent, the book is engaging and well written, and clearly the product of a great deal of research. But Sweet and Bitter Island is very specifically about the British colonial experience in Cyprus. Indeed, as Morgan states in her introduction, it would be inappropriate for her, as a Briton, to try to define the Cypriot experience. While this might go against the tendency in postcolonial studies to emphasise the colonised rather than the colonisers, this book fills an important gap in our understanding of the period of British rule.

That said, Sweet and Bitter Island is not an apology for British colonial life in Cyprus. Morgan is in fact astonishingly damning, not through crude polemic, but simply by describing the life and attitudes of the British between 1878 and 1960. As the English say, she gives them enough rope to hang themselves. Yet unlike many other studies on colonial rule, what emerges from this book is not a coherent policy of abasement of the locals by the colonisers, but repeated acts of profound stupidity which frequently shocked officials back in London.

As Morgan shows, the problem with Cyprus was not that the British were desperate to keep hold of it. The problem was that for most of British rule they did not want the island. Consequently the amount of money spent on Cyprus, and the quality of administrator sent out here, was very low. In Morgan's account we read of a succession of stupid, ignorant and downright unpleasant British High Commissioners, who seemed to place more weight on maintaining the niceties of social etiquette than taking action to alleviate the extreme poverty that plagued the island. This fuelled a social system that created one of the most extreme divisions between the rulers and the ruled anywhere in the British Empire, to such an extent the Colonial Office in London nicknamed Cyprus the `Colonel Blimp colony', after David Low's pompous cartoon character.

As Morgan shows, however, the British relationship to Cyprus was complex from the outset, as it was recognised that the Greek Cypriot population were descended from an ancient Classical tradition the British revered greatly. Consequently whilst in almost all other colonies the British established schools where local children were taught in English, in Cyprus schools were allowed to teach in Greek. Although this has the appearance of being an uncharacteristically noble gesture by the British towards the local culture, the effect was to exclude many Greek Cypriots from joining the colonial civil service as they lacked the required skill in speaking English. Equally unforeseen was the effect this policy had on the rise of right-wing Greek nationalism, as most teaching materials had to be imported from Greece.

Despite such repeated incompetence and prejudice on the part of the British, Morgan also shows that some good things did emerge from their rule. The first co-operative bank on the island was set up by the British to alleviate rural poverty, and the British also mobilised massive aid for Cypriots trapped on the wrong side of the lines when Britain and Turkey went to war in 1914. And while malaria was not eradicated by the British (that accolade belongs to a Cypriot named Mehmet Aziz) they did stop the locust swarms that devastated crops each year. But what emerges from this extremely readable book is that the colonial British lacked an ability to recognise when they were doing things well and when they were not. That lack of self-awareness was their undoing. ... Read more

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The volatile recent past of Cyprus has turned this island from the idyllic "island of Aphrodite" of tourist literature into a place renowned for hostile confrontations. Cyprus challenges familiar binary divisions, between Christianity and Islam, Greeks and Turks, Europe and the East, tradition and modernity. Anti-colonial struggles, the divisive effects of ethnic nationalism, war, invasion, territorial division, and population displacements are all facets of the notorious Cyprus Problem. Incorporating the most up-to-date social and cultural research on Cyprus, these essays examine nationalism and interethnic relations, Cyprus and the European Union, the impact of immigration, and the effects of tourism and international environmental movements, among other topics.

"Of the recent publications on the `Cyprus Problem', `Divided Cyprus' ranks amongst the best. It is scholarly, very well conceived, nicely structured, and expertly executed. Most importantly, it is thought provoking. I highly recommend it to any serious scholar of Cyprus' past and present, and to those interested in its future progress." -- The Cyprus Review, Vol. 18:2, Fall 2006

"[U]shers the reader into the complexities of the categorical ambiguity of Cyprus [and] . . . concentrates . . . on the Dead Zone of the divided society, in the cultural space where those who refuse to go to the poles gather." - -Anastasia Karakasidou, Wellesley College ... Read more

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Sir George Francis Hill (1867-1948), was perhaps best known as a numismatist, although his scholarly interests and accomplishments included a range of time periods and subjects. A classicist by training, Hill built his career at the British Museum's department of coins and medals. In his forty-three years there he produced volumes on coins of antiquity; Greek history and art; coins, heraldry, and iconography of medieval and Renaissance Italy; and treasure troves. In 1931 Hill became the Museum's director and principal librarian, the first archaeologist to hold this post. His four-volume History of Cyprus (1940-52) ranged from Cyprus's earliest years to the twentieth century, and became the standard text on the subject. It is a valuable resource for scholars of the country, of antiquity and of the Mediterranean world. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (5)

Does the book come with unlimited supply of salt?
Buyers of this book are strongly advised to also order a ton of premium, unadulterated salt. They will need every crystal to maintain proper perspective. Or, you an enjoy the book as a work of historical fiction or propoganda.

Why, you asked?

The author takes too many liberties and applies a thick, distorting gloss over the historical picture, almost at every turn. Just one example would suffice: The near-exclusive use of John Gunther as an expert on Ataturk, who is portrayed as "the roughneck of dictators", againt whom in comparison "Hitler is a milksop, Mussolini a parfumed Dandy".

Now considering how many world wars Ataturk started (zero) and how many concentration camps he built (again, zero), and considering the legacy of Hitler, Mussolini, etc. (WWII, millions dead, millions devastated, Holocaust, etc.), such ranking putting Ataturk on top (or below?) Hitler deserves condemnation or, at least, ridicule.

Yet, William Mallinson and Alan Sked actually dare use such falsehood as basis to their book.An honorable person and serious scholar would not approach within a mile of such conclusions; and, serious students of history would stay the heck away from this book.

Cyprus A Modern History
A very interesting book which details the recent history of Cyprus and how still it is not permitted to become one again because of its strategic value to other countries. The turks should leave the North, compensate those they displaced and let Cyprus decide their own future!
The argument about rejecting the application of Turkey to join the EU is valid and thought provoking. After all, Turkey is not a European country and while it allows a generation of Greek Cypriots to remain displaced and not compensated for the forced removal from their homes, the respect I once had for Turkey has now completly dissapated!

QUITE INFORMATIVE
I have read quite a few books re: the Cyprus issue and would have to say this is one of the more unbiased and factual books i have come across. It probably won't be a hit with Greek readers as it states many of the facts which they choose to ignore of erase form their own accounts of Cyprioy History.
its also quite up to date as it covers the events surrounding the failed referendum. thanks

The wait for a comprehensive, balanced and learned history of Cyprus continues
William Mallinson's book claims to be "a modern history" of Cyprus, but it is a history of Cyprus from 1950 to the present. Although the "Cyprus Problem" becomes "hot" in 1950s, it is impossible to understand why without a thorough coverage of the period before. Mallinson implies that what transpired before 1950 is unimportant to Cypriot history or the Cyprus Problem. The diplomatic focus neglects Cyprus's political, social and cultural past.

Mallinson blames the existence of the "Cyprus Problem" on the interests of foreign powers, thus ascribing to the populist conspiracy theory of the Cyprus Problem.Mallinson claims that the Cypriots exerted minimal influence over their homeland's destiny, which is quite wrong, since right-wing Greek Cypriot leaders through EOKA in the 1950s and then various right and left wing paramilitary groups during the 1960s and 1970s and right-wing Turkish Cypriots through TMT from the 1950s, exerted a great deal of control over the actions of their people and the policy of the other government's involved.

As I will show below, Mallinson fails to adequately deal with the two fundamental issues relating to Cyprus before 1950: the British strategic interest and the rise of nationalism.

Mallinson claims that Cyprus's strategic importance was established upon the British occupation in 1878. In fact Cyprus's strategic place within the British imperial structure was questioned, uncertain and anomalous and this was the belief of most politicians - especially of the Liberal Party - as well as the naval and military advisors and was reflected in efforts to cede Cyprus to Greece after 1912. Although that policy failed it does not change the fact that Cyprus was considered strategically useless before 1916. After the British offered Cyprus to Greece in October 1915, imperialists urged military advisers to reconsider Cyprus's place within the British imperial structure and they advised that Cyprus was too strategically valuable to be ceded to Greece. Nevertheless, Cyprus was never established as a strategic asset until the early 1950s, although during the Suez Catastrophe the British were forced to use Malta, 1,000 miles away, to launch their naval invasion.

Many historians that approach Cyprus's history from the Greek nationalist paradigm continue to give credence to a speech supposedly given by an Orthodox Cypriot prelate to Sir Garnet Wolseley, Cyprus's first high commissioner, with a request that Cyprus be given to Greece. These commentators, including Mallinson, use the speech because it forms the basis of their argument that the Greek Cypriots were Hellenised when the British arrived in 1878. But Rolandos Katsiaounis proved nearly a decade ago that such a speech was never made.Some, including Mallinson, even argue that enosis had existed in 1821 at the time of the Greek War of Independence, when this was not the case as Rebecca Bryant showed this in her groundbreaking study Imagining the Modern, which I. B. Tauris publish in 2004, a year before Mallinson's book.Bryant convincingly argued that the encounter of the Cypriots with modernism after the British arrival resulted in the development of nationalisms on the island.

Mallinson focuses on the strategic interest and the rise of nationalism in the 1950s, but makes errors and omissions. He attempts to cover the British desire to hold onto Cyprus's sovereignty in the 1950s, but fails to provide the real reason for this - the positioning of nuclear weapons on the island for use in defence of the Baghdad Pact which comprised Turkey.He does not analyse EOKA or TMT, right-wing extremist terrorist groups that controlled their communities through fear and heroism, especially the members of the former, in pursuit of their desire for enosis. It was that catastrophic desire, coupled with the desire to overturn the agreements of 1960, which led to its failureand not, as Mallinson asserts, the fault of a "botched constitution".

It is here where Mallinson's focus with the role of the foreign powers in Cyprus needed to be counterbalanced with an analysis of the local responsibilities. Turkish Cypriot extremists, led by Rauf Denktash and radical elements in the Turkish military, wanted to undermine the Zurich-London Accords to show that the Greeks were incapable of safeguarding their rights. The Greek Cypriot leadership wanted to undermine the same agreements to bring about enosis or their domination of the Turkish Cypriots by showing that the agreements were unworkable. To this end, the former EOKA leaders founded paramilitary groups. The three main ones were headed by Polycarpos Georgadjis and Tassos Papadopoulos, the Interior and Labour ministers respectively; Vassos Lyssarides, Makarios' socialist physician; and Nikos Sampson, an unsavoury and fanatical nationalist. It is quite amazing that Georgadjis and Sampson are mentioned only twice and Lyssarides not at all. The person who orchestrated the tragedy of 1963-64 was Georgadjis. As Droushiotis has shown, Georgadjis believed that the quickest way to show that the Zurich-London accords were unworkable was to provoke the Turkish Cypriot extremists, which he knew were armed, to challenge the state. The inter-communal violence that gripped Cyprus from thereon has its roots in Georgadjis' desire to dominate the island. The fact that Mallinson failed to consult the important works on Cyprus from 1960-74,shows his inexperience in the historiography of Cyprus.

Mallinson only presents one side of the events since the Turkish invasion and in particular the last decade. He ascribes to the "justice for Greek Cypriot" discourse and shows a marked inability to understand that the Greek and the Turkish Cypriots cannot both obtain justice. The solution must inevitably be a compromise. Mallinson again takes the conspiracy theory line and blames the international community for the failure of the latest effort to solve the crisis, especially the British. He calls the UN Plan "the United Kingdom Nations Plan", which implies that the plan was a UK (Lord Hannay) conspiracy. Not only was it not, being based on negotiations between President Clerides, Denktash, the UN Envoy to Cyprus, Alvaro de Soto and Lord Hannay, the British special representative (1996-2003), but the assertion conflicts with Hannay's first-hand account, which I.B. Taurus also published. Mallinson fails to realise that, regardless of their motives, the international community genuinely tried to solve the crisis and were obstructed first by Rauf Denktash and Turkey and then by Clerides' replacement, none other than Georgadjis' right-hand man in his paramilitary group, Tassos Papadopoulos. Mallinson claims that when the players met at Burgenstock prior to the 24 April referendum Papadopoulos submitted various amendments to the UN plan which were rejected, while eleven amendments proposed by the new Turkish Cypriot leader, Mehmet Ali Talat, were accepted. Mallinson's source is Athens News. He ignored the two former presidents of the Republic of Cyprus, George Vassiliou and Clerides, who were part of the Greek Cypriot delegation, who revealed that Papadopoulos refused to propose changes when they urged him to and they made six proposed amendments and five of them were accepted. Then Papadopoulos submitted a 200 page document with amendments at the very last moment, which the UN believed was vague and far too late in the game. Predictably, Mallinson supports the "no" Papadopoulos eventually supported and criticises any party, especially PASOK, for supporting the referendum. Nothing is mentioned of the abuses committed against supporters of Cyprus's reunification, who criticised Papadopoulos's stance not to negotiate with Talat at Burgenstock. Mallinson analysed favourable newspapers and interviews and not the documentary evidence available, namely the eyewitness accounts, the letters between Papadopoulos and the UN, the reports of the Select Committee of Foreign Affairs in Britain, which was non-partisan and which includes hundreds of documents, and the report of Amnesty International (September 2004) on the abuses of the Papadopoulos regime against "yes" campaigners.

Complete - Simple - Objective
As my interest in the Cyprus problem and the Greek-Turkish-Cypriot relations recently began to arise, I was so anxious in finding sources that would give me a fairly good background on the area's history and information on the latest progress. And all that from an as distant and objective point of view as possible. Mallinson has managed to keep same distance from both sides and, moreover, be somewhat bitter when it comes to his fellow Englishmen. The language is quite simple, depleted of any diplomatic jargon (as opposed to Lord Hannay's " Cyprus, The Search for A Solution"). His extensive research and the interviews with key-figures concerning the issue, make "Cyprus: A modern history" one of the best books available. ... Read more

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This is the first in-depth reconstruction of a major British decolonization based fully on original documentation. It is essential reading for anybody interested in the response of policy makers to the challenge of 'terrorism' overseas after 1945, the liquidation of the British Empire, the breakdown of ethnic co-existence under intense pressure, and the effects of regional destabilization on the wider international system. ... Read more

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A. Bernard Knapp presents a new island archaeology and island history of Bronze Age and early Iron Age Cyprus, set in its Mediterranean context. Drawing out tensions between different ways of thinking about islands, and how they are connected or isolated from surrounding islands and mainlands, Knapp addresses an under-studied but dynamic new field of archaeological enquiry - the social identity of prehistoric and protohistoric Mediterranean islanders. In treating issues such as ethnicity, migration, and hybridization, he provides an up-to-date theoretical analysis of a wide range of relevant archaeological data. In using historical documents to re-present the Cypriot past, he also offers an integrated archaeological and socio-historical synthesis of insularity and social identity on the Mediterranean's third largest island. ... Read more

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Customer Reviews (2)

+The deepest book I ever read about Turkish-Greek relations
Just genious. Combines personnal style with scientific authority. Deconstructs all nationalistic, religious mythologies and shows that beyond all identities (muslim, christian,greek,turkish) are real human beings, with real lives and real sufferings.

One of the most important contributions to the construction of peace in Cyprus and between Turkey and Greece.

The most engaging book I've read on the Cyprus situation.
I've read quite deeply on the Cyprus affair, and this book really drew me in.Though it does go into some of the history and politics of the situation, it is not a dry account written in an academic tone.The author, a Greek Cypriot, forces himself to listen to the perspectives of Turkish Cypriots and Mainland Turks, and he finds himself in a dead zone of identities as he is slowly distrusted by his own Greek Cypriot community, at least by those who identify more with their "Greekness" than their "Cypriotness."There are lots of first-hand accounts of conversations with nationalists from both sides, and people in both communities who see themselves first and foremost as Cypriot.

The author tries really hard to be objective, and given the scope of the Cyprus problem, does a good job.I read this while also looking over Hannay's book on Cyprus, "The Search for a Solution," and I found the book by Papadakis to be much more exciting.He is now at the University of Cyprus. ... Read more

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Through an examination of interviews provided by 100 children of refugees in Cyprus, born after their family's displacement, Hadjiyanni illustrates the formation of a refugee consciousness, an identity adopted by many children who never experienced the actual displacement of their family. Focusing on the process by which a child born into a refugee family develops a refugee identity, the book identifies nine dimensions that inform this consciousness. Establishing the family as the primary transmitter of the refugee identity and the child as its constructor, the author points to the power of homeplace in forming and supporting such an identity. The book challenges the notion that refugee consciousness is a separate identity and a crisis by reinterpreting it as a resistance to adversity. Shedding new light on what it means to be a refugee, this work is a welcome addition to the field. ... Read more

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The international conference 'Egypt and Cyprus in Antiquity' held in Nicosia in April 2003 filled an important gap in historical knowledge about Cyprus' relations with its neighbours. While the island's links with the Aegean and the Levant have been well documented and continue to be the subject of much archaeological attention, the exchanges between Cyprus and the Nile Valley are not as well known and have not before been comprehensively reviewed. They range in date from the mid third millennium B.C. to Late Antiquity and encompass every kind of interconnection, including political union. Their novelty lies in the marked differences between the ancient civilisations of Cyprus and Egypt, the distance between them geographically, which could be bridged only by ship, and the unusual ways they influenced each other's material and spiritual cultures. The papers delivered at the conference covered every aspect of the relationship, with special emphasis on the tangible evidence for the movement of goods, people and ideas between the two countries over a 3000 year period. ... Read more

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It has been 25 years since Greek colonels staged a coup on Cyprus, ousting Greek-Cypriot leader Archbishop Makarios, and Turkey retaliated by invading and seizing a third of the island. The island remains split in two, policed by the United Nations. Henry Kissinger claimed he could do nothing to stop this because of the Watergate crisis. The Cyprus Conspiracy provides crucial evidence that this was no failure of American foreign policy, revealing for the first time the explosive strategic reasons why Washington had to divide the island. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (19)

review
Dear friends, you can't make, know and understand history by reading one book. I have read a number (big number) of books regarding the Cyprus problem. Books written from GCs, TCs and foreigners.
I wont write down a summary of history but i will just say that what happened to Cyprus was a crime the West did and the two communities here were more than willing to go along with it. The West has never saw the problem as it was, but it handled it according to the cold-war interests. Nationalism in both sides was developing with Britain's blessing and the conflicts were inevitable. After Cyp's independance, none side worked they way they were supposed to work. GCs were seeing independace as a step towrds the final Enosis and TCs saw it as a step towards partition/division.
There were many crimes against civilians, innocent people from both sides. After the military regime in Greece (established and founded by USA's Kissinger) made the coup against Makarios, Turkey found the opportunity it was looking for to invade and divide the island. Ever after cease-fire was agreed, they continued their aggression and took 37% of the island's land. 200.000 refugees, many killed, many slaughtered and abortion (due to rapes) was made legan for 1 year. Since then, both sides create their propaganda against each other instead of seeing what the real problem was. GCs would never admit their mistakes and what their nationalism brought. On the contrary, we (GCs) tend to remember those murderers as heroes. On the other hand, TCs saw the invasion as a peaceful operation (my a*s) and they also remember their nationalists as heroes. They both created a climate of hetery for each other, that has fallen apart since the "borders" opened and people visited each other. There were MANY incidents of TCs and GCs finding each other after 30 years and bursting into tears from joy. Recently there are some left-wing organizations and movements from both sides that try to re-write history, as it really was. They blame nationalism, they organise many bi-communal activities that relatives of vistims (civilians slaughtered just because they were greeks or turks) speak and promote forgiveness and reunification. Many writers, journalists and activists are criticised in their communities (Gc and TC) for talking against nationalism and that their side made mistakes. Few weeks ago, those activists dcided to visit mass graves of GCs and TCs to deliver some flowers and honours. First they went to the fre part of Nicosia and they (together GCs and TCs) paid respects. Then they tried to go to the northern part to a mass grave of GCs. They were stopped. The regime in the north did not let them do it. And this is just an example where the leaders of both communitiescause problems to people who just want to forgive and move on. THIS is the biggest problem now in Cyprus... the denial of truth, from both sides. And as a turkish writer once wrote "those who walk the same path, will get to the same place eventually"... that says a lot about nationalism.

Greek Cypriots reject the UN Peace Plan to unify the Island
It is funny how many Greek and Greek Cypriots like to revise history.Lets recap the events of the Island.

Cyprus was under Ottoman rule for 400 years prior to annexation by Great Britain.And when Great Britain finally agreed to leave it was decided that since the island had both a Greek and Turkish community the best solution was to have it become sovereign as opposed to becoming a part of either Greece or Turkey.The Turkish minority was certainly content with this model.

Under Makarios's rule most of the democratically held political power was stripped away from the Turks.The Greek Cypriots began a campaign of ethnically cleansing the Island of Turks with the objective of unifying with Greece.Turkey did not invade the island until a Greek orchestrated coup.Even then Turkey asked the England and Greece to intervene and reverse this to no avail.Only after that did they invade to protect the Turkish minority from the Greek atrocities.

Fast forward to 2004.The UN devised a plan to unify the Island.The US and the EU both thought it was a just and fair resolution.The Turkish Cypriot's under pressure form Turkey accepted this plan by 65% vote.The Greek Cypriots defeated the plan by 75% vote.The Turkish Cypriots got punished for their decision to go along with world opinion and the Greek Cypriots were rewarded by being allowed to enter the EU.

To this day the Turkish Cypriots are being punished.They are not a pariah state.They don't practice terrorism?Why the isolation?Why the embargo?It is clear that the Turkish minority will never be allowed to live in peace with the Greek majority on the island.And it is too small to be an independent state.The only solution is for Turkey to annex Norther Cyprus.This is not what Turkey wants but the Greeks have a way of pushing Turkey in this direction.Their objective is to use every round of EU membership to extract concessions, only at the end to veto Turkey's application anyway. What they fail to realize is Turkey will not become ahostage to this.Their efforts have managed to turn Turkish public opinion against EU membership.Any hope of uniting the Island only exists for as long as Turkey believes it is in her interest to do so.That time is just about up.Greek Cypriots should take a one last look across the border to Northern Cyprus.The next time they look across they may be looking at a Turkish city.

my two sense
I too feel compelled to write upon reading a prior review which said "The Turkish government used its right to get in and saved the lives of thousands of Turks out there. Why did they only took one third of the island? Because at that time the Turk population was the one third of the population of Cyprus. What do you expect?"
What do I expect?That land was my grandparent's village where they were born and raised.Explain to me why someone else is living illegally in my grandparent's house without ever compensating them for a penny of its worth.Regardless of that even, they hold that village dearly in their hearts as their home.It's sad that they are not welcome or allowed there because "the turkish government used it's right to get in" according to someone's view.Let's not all forget that there are individual human beings involved in this and their pain and suffering runs deep.Illegally occupying one's land and house does not seem like a "right" to me.

This must be a great book. Here is what I remember from those days
Sorry,I have not read this book yet,I certainlly will. As someone serving in the Greek military the days of the invasion I would like to point the following. It was well known in Greece that when "Atila" starting rolling on the island many fleeing Greek Cypriots gave the keys of their houses for safe keeping to ***their Turkish Cypriot neighbors***. I think this speaks volumes. It was talked about in our army that the pupet of the US inspired regime in Athens Mr Sampson, who had led the coup against Makarios that meant to anex Cyprus to the dictatorship in Greece had gathered many Turkish Cypriots in a foot ball stadium with some very bad plans for them. We should not forget that the attack on the Turkish Cypriots was part of a general attack on the Cypriot republic.Readers may want to go back to the interview of Makario's in Oriana Falatsi's "Interview with History".Britain of course had been practising for a while there the old and tried "Divide and Rule".I saw with my own eyes right wing connected members of the Greek military cheering at the overthrough of the government of Makarios. It was their dream come true, of course some days later they saw that the Turkish generals had been ready for a very long time to take advantage of that unique oportunity, clearly for the generals in Ankara the well being of the Turkish Cypriots was not a major concern.NOTE: The reviews of the book on this site do bring all sorts of important points to the attention of the reader. This is the most informative collection of reviews I ever read at the Amazon site.

Good book!
Well written, full of facts and light on 'opinions' - just the way history books should be written. ... Read more