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Part of a three-volume set, this text presents selected work of Edmund Burke on English history and political thought. This first volume contains Burke's defence of the American colonists' complaints of British policy and includes "Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents"(1770), "Speech on American Taxation"(1774), and "Speech on Conciliation"(1775). Volume Two in the set consists of Burke's "Reflections on the Revolution in France". Volume Three presents his "Letters on a Regicide Peace"(1795-1796). The text includes notes and introductory essays by E. J. Payne. ... Read more

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The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, Vol. 01 (of 12) is presented here in a high quality paperback edition. This popular classic work by Edmund Burke is in the English language. If you enjoy the works of Edmund Burke then we highly recommend this publication for your book collection. ... Read more

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Many modern conservatives and feminists trace the roots of their ideologies, respectively, to Edmund Burke (1729-1797) and Mary Wollstonecraft (1759-1797), and a proper understanding of these two thinkers is therefore important as a framework for political debates today.

According to Daniel O'Neill, Burke is misconstrued if viewed as mainly providing a warning about the dangers of attempting to turn utopian visions into political reality, while Wollstonecraft is far more than just a proponent of extending the public sphere rights of man to include women. Rather, at the heart of their differences lies a dispute over democracy as a force tending toward savagery (Burke) or toward civilization (Wollstonecraft). Their debate over the meaning of the French Revolution is the place where these differences are elucidated, but the real key to understanding what this debate is about is its relation to the intellectual tradition of the Scottish Enlightenment, whose language of politics provided the discursive framework within and against which Burke and Wollstonecraft developed their own unique ideas about what was involved in the civilizing process. ... Read more

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Edmund Burke (1729-1797) was an Anglo-Irish statesman, author, orator, political theorist, and philosopher who, after relocating to Great Britain, served for many years in the British House of Commons as a member of the Whig party. He is mainly remembered for his support of the American colonies in the dispute with King George III and Britain that led to the American Revolution and for his strong opposition to the French Revolution. Burke worked on aesthetics and founded the Annual Register, a political review. He is widely regarded as the philosophical founder of Anglo-American conservatism. Burke’s first published work, A Vindication of Natural Society, appeared in 1756. In 1757, he published a treatise on aesthetics, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. His other works include: Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791). ... Read more

Customer Reviews (3)

A Satire or Serious piece on political philosophy?
This is a very unusual book.Even before readers begin discussing the content of the book, they find themselves in vigorous debate over the intentions of its author.I am the third reviewer so far to post his thoughts on amazon.One believes that this book contains important political insights, the other derides him for attempting to make such a case.I decided to ignore these issues and read the book in order to understand what was being expressed.I found it very enjoyable.

Now, the title is a bit misleading.The author in no way truly "vindicates" natural society.The book consists more of a series of brilliant critiques of what the author calls "political" or "civil society" the purpose of which is to compare this arrangement to the state of nature, or "natural society."

The first 20 or so pages documents several wars which were carried out by political states for trivial purposes.In particular he discusses the military campaigns of Egypt, Greece, and Rome.The prose is very lucid and engaging. He uses phrases like "great Carnage", "Rage of Conquest" "...poured out Seas of Blood in their Formation and in their Destruction."These enlightening details culminate with the fascinating conclusion, "I charge the whole of these Effects on political Society. ... [T]hat Political Society is justly chargeable with much the greatest Part of this Destruction of the Species."

The next 20 or so pages discusses 3 political systems:despotisms (empires), aristocracy, and democracy.These three systems, the author concludes, differ but in name.All are clear historical examples of tyranny.

So this book is not so much a defense of the state of nature than it is a critique of government, or poltitical institutions generally.Only in a select few passages does the author mention the moral superiority of the "natural society."Overall, I found them largely unconvincing.For example, Burke argues that because there were no wants in the natural state, life was simpler, and thus happier.

Satire or not, I enjoyed this short little book.But you will not find a robust Rousseauian defense of the natural state in here.You will find, however, a clear and lucid argument against government.And it is because of this that I rated the book the way I did.

A very odd parody of political radicalism
I was a little startled by an earlier review of this work that suggested that Burke's parody of Bolingbroke could possibly be taken seriously as a work of political insight.And although there have been scholars who have suggested (without supporting evidence) that Burke meant the work to be taken seriously, it is difficult for anyone familiar with Burke's later writings to regard "Vindication" as anything other than a rather dismal parady. The later writings all display qualities sadly lacking in this work, especially the subtlety of thought and nuanced insights featured in "The Reflections on the French Revolution."Anyone who could take this work seriously merely displays a kind of political obtuseness that goes against the very sophistacated, practice-rooted political thinkingexemplified by Burke.It is rather laughable that a radical thinker like Godwin should have mined Burke's parody for insights.It demonstrates all to well the essential shallowness of radical political thought.

Invaluable Work in the Anarchist Tradition
The redoubtable Edmund Burke is widely known as the man who layed down the philosophical foundations of modern conservatism.Thus, it may come as a great surprise to discover that he penned what may very well be one of the earliest clear expositions of philosophical anarchism in the Western tradition.While scholars may always dispute over the issue of whether or not the "Vindication" was meant as a serious work or a satire, the book's status as a landmark is incontestable.

In this terse tract, Burke sets out to apply the same rationalistic standards to the realm of politics that 18th century Deists like Lord Bolingbroke applied to the doctrines of revealed religion.As Deists upheld the distinction between natural( i.e. rational) and artificial (irrational or faith-based) religion, Burke seeks to defend natural (anarchistic or voluntaristic) society against that which is dominated by the brute engine of government.

Although modern conservatives may also give their full support to the idea that the unrestrained employment of reason undermines the basis of both religion and government, it is infidel anarchists who will derrive the greatest value from his insights. For those wise enough to allow the light of reason to be their guide, the "Vindication" serves as a powerful indictment of government and the innumerable crimes that it has perpetrated on mankind wherever it has existed.

If indeed the work is a satire, it would seem that it has done far more damage to Burke's cause than he would ever have imagined.Not only did the tract serve as a great inspiration to William Godwin, the man who, in less than four decades from the time of this book's publication, authored one of the definitivie works of philosophical anarchism, but it will certainly serve the ends of anarchists for many years to come, as they continue to wage war against the religion of politics with many of the same weapons that Burke has so eloquently furnished for us. ... Read more

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This new and up-to-date edition of a book that has been central to political philosophy, history, and revolutionary thought for two hundred years offers readers a dire warning of the consequences that follow the mismanagement of change. Written for a generation presented with challenges of terrible proportions--the Industrial, American, and French Revolutions, to name the most obvious--Burke's Reflections of the Revolution in France displays an acute awareness of how high political stakes can be, as well as a keen ability to set contemporary problems within a wider context of political theory. ... Read more

Customer Reviews (8)

The Prototypical Neo-Conservative
I struggle with how to rate this book. It's of course a classic political text of immense historical importance, making Five Stars the only proper rating. But it's also outrageous anti-democratic balderdash, a plethora of aspersions on the abilities of"us the people" to govern ourselves without aristocratic supervision, and a blast of Bulldog British chauvinism. And, though few readers have dared to say so, it's pompous, repetitive, snide, and pedantic, impelling one toward a reader-cautionary One Star. So... no absolutist I! I'll compromise and call it Three Stars. The very sort of compromise between popular passion and genteel propriety that Plato spurned for his Republic.

Burke was a Whig, a free-trade liberal, a 'friend' of the American rebels in 1776. Just as the Cold War inflamed hegemonist Democrats, Ronald Reagan for one, and cooked them metamorphically into neo-con Republicans, the French Revolution -- particularly the imprisonment of the king in Paris -- ignited the monarchist in Burke and prompted him to write this meta-pamphlet "Reflections of the Revolution in France." That was in 1790, before the execution of Louis, before the "Reign of Terror", fearsome sequels to the events that upset Burke that have made many historians consider his fulminations prophetic. Burke broke with the leadership of the Whigs, and at places in the Reflections he waxes bitter at finding himself aligned as a Tory.

Burke's voluminous pamphlet was immediately assaulted -- refuted, I would say -- by Thomas Paine and Mary Wollstonecraft. Wollstonecraft's "On the Rights of Men" is not widely read today, but Paine's "The Rights of Man" stands a one of the greatest expositions of democratic principles in Western history.

So what were the "Rights" that Burke denied and that Paine acclaimed? Very close to the beginning of Reflections, while Burke is denouncing English supporters of the French revolution, Burke declares that the revolutionaries have invented the following spurious 'rights' that are "new and hhitherto unheard of":
1. "To choose our own governors."
2. "To cashier them for misconduct."
3. "To frame a government for ourselves."
These so-called rights, according to Burke, as "fictitious" as well as pernicious, and the rest of the text is composed to prove that commitment to such rights would destroy all happiness and order in society.

Indeed, Burke is a coherent conservative in the root meaning of the term. His argument is that the institutions of English polity -- the not-entirely-written Constitution -- are a fortunate inheritance, a sort of communal property of the English people, and like ALL forms of property, sacred! It is PROPERTY above all that stabilizes and legitimizes government, and therefore it should be the holders of property who constitute the governing class. Particularly those holders of enough property to be idle, and those whose antiquity of family wealth has given them the special grooming for governance, must inevitably be the most capable and trustworthy governors. Lawyers, especially rural ones, doctors, poets, and shoemakers may all be skilled at their own artisanry or swollen with knowledge of their own study, but they lack the makings of proper Lords of the state. Burke's references to shoemakers, by the way, seem to me an explicit allusion to Plato and Socrates, who used shoemakers regularly as examples of the absurdity of entrusting government to ordinary people. Clergymen, likewise, and especially parish clergy without the savoir-faire of bishops and cardinals, should stick to their preaching of salvation and stay out of public affairs. What horrifies Burke, therefore, about the revolutionary leadership of France is that it is composed of the lower orders - of small-town lawyers and clergy, of writers and intellectuals without property, of (gasp!) merchants and even mere craftsmen.

Here is what Burke urges as wisdom upon the French, if only they had followed 'reasonable' conservative principles and upheld their ancient regime:
"You would have shamed despotism from the earth, by showing that freedom was not only reconcilable, but, as when well disciplined it is, auxiliary to law. You would have had an unoppressive but a productive revenue. You would have had a flourishing commerce to feed it. You would have had a free constitution; a potent monarchy; a disciplined army; a reformed and venerated clergy; a mitigated but spirited nobility, to lead your virtue, not to overlay it.... you would have had a protected, satisfied, laborious, and obedient people, taught to seek and to recognise the happiness that is found by virtue in all conditions; in which consist the true moral equality of mankimd, and not in that monstrous fiction, which, by inspiring false ideas and vain expectations into men destined to travel in the obscure walk of laborious life, serves only to aggravate and embitter that real inequality which it can never remove; and which the order of civil life establishes as much for the benefit of those whom it must leave in an humble state, as those whom it is able to exalt to a condition more splendid..."

What Burke is saying amounts to this: the fundamental human right is the Right to INequality. No wonder Tom Paine was outraged! Burke's smug assumptions of class superiority are enough to make me sing the Marseillaise at the top of my voice, to wave the red flag of liberty, almost enough to make me wish to reinvent the guillotine.

Burke's evils of the French Revolution
This was required reading for a graduate course in the history of the French Revolution.In Burke's book Reflections on the Revolution in France, he penned a diatribe against the evils of the French Revolution,believing that there was a pernicious cabal of philosophes and politicians joined by money-jobbers whose aim was to topple not only the old regime in France, but to export their "plague" throughout Europe.Thus, Burke astutely understood and abhorred the influence that Radical Enlightenment ideas had on the French Revolution.One instantly detects, in Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, a conservative philosophy by which he not only understood his own society, but the entire human civilization.Much of his work was an appeal to a politically conservative notion of a "created order" of the world, which from this reading seemed to be universal to all European nations.This reader sensed that Burke's Reflections were written as a warning to the rest of Europe not to follow the model of change embodied in the French Revolution, and to adopt the steady reforms that took place in England.

Burke found no social redeeming value in the French Revolution and when he wrote Reflections, the worst of the "reign of terror" had yet to come.In fact, if one used Georges Lefebvre's notion of "four acts" to the Revolution, Burke poured out all his criticism against the first two acts, the aristocratic and bourgeois revolts.This reader found Burke's long sections on British history used to buttress his case; that change should have come to France within a more staid social order as either ignorant of the complex socio-economic and political factors that led up to the Revolution, or as a naïve belief that that the French people were so culturally close to the English that they should both react in similar fashion to socio-political upheaval.Burke delivered a literary "tongue lashing" to the French for how easily they turned their backs on their socio-political traditions."You had all these advantages in your ancient states; but you chose to act as if you had never been moulded into civil society, and had everything to begin anew.You began ill, because you began by despising everything that belonged to you" (31).This reader found Burke's argument on this point a little disingenuous.He lectured how Britain's "Glorious Revolution" in 1688 should have been the model for reform.However, he barely mentioned the bloody English Civil War that Cromwell staged, including the regicide of Charles I.In addition, one's impression of Burke's information is that he had received a very narrow view of the history leading up to the Revolution and its opening days, which seemed confined to correspondence from a small circle of friends.Burke had high praise for the First and Second Estates.His opinion of the nobles he knew was that they were, "...for the greater part composed of men of high spirit, and of a delicate sense of honour....They were tolerably well bred; very officious, humane, and hospitable" (115-116).Not the impression one is left with after viewing the movie Dangerous Liaisons!In describing his personal contacts with the French clergy, he noted that, "I received a perfectly good account of their morals, and of their attention to their duties" (123).

Burke essentially observed a "cabal" that planned the opening of the Revolution to include a pronouncement of aristocratic intentions to abolish feudalism, the National Assembly's adoption of the "Declaration of the Rights of Man," and the confiscation of Church property.Burke blamed two evils for the old regimes' demise.First, he blamed the philosophes whose atheistic literature he believed provided the influential ideas necessary to set the Revolution in motion."The literary cabal had some years ago formed something like a regular plan for the destruction of the Christian religion" (94)."Writers, especially when they act in a body, and with one direction, have great influence on the public mind" (95).Second, he blamed the doubling of the Third Estate's representation in the National Assembly who were led by an overabundance of undistinguished lawyers and whose ambitions were to grab the reins of power.Burke described these men as "the inferior, unlearned, mechanical, merely instrumental members of the profession" (36).Burke also ascribed to this cabal; the desire to reorder society through the confiscation of property, which he decried in his Reflections."I see the confiscators begin with bishops, and chapters, and monasteries; but I do not see them end their" (128).Thus, Burke found that the pernicious cabal of philosophes and politicians were too enamored of the "new religion" of enlightenment science and had no respect for tradition or the wisdom of religion."They conceive very systematically, that all things which give perpetuity are mischievous" (75).
Alexis de Tocqueville noted how Burke misjudged the Revolution."At first he thought it meant that France would be weakened and virtually destroyed" (94).Burke also feared that this "irrational" revolution would infest his own countrymen similar to a plaque."If it be a plague, it is such a plague that the precautions of the most severe quarantine ought to be established against it." (76).

Burke was no stranger to enlightened ideas.After all, he had been a supporter of American and Irish liberty.Burke was a Conservative Enlightenment figure, defending "reason" with tradition and religion.However, what Burke, was condemning in its earliest form is what we now recognize as ideology.And what he understood with great foresight is the power of modern intellectuals, acting as a literary clerisy, to produce it.Thus, Burke found that the pernicious cabal of philosophes and politicians were too enamored of the "new religion" of enlightenment science and had no respect for tradition or the wisdom of religion."They conceive very systematically, that all things which give perpetuity are mischievous" (75).

Recommended reading for anyone interested in political philosophy, enlightenment history, and the French Revolution.

Edmund Burkes contribution
This book is excellent because it is exactly what I needed, that is an account of Edmund Burkes thinking, what it is he contributed to our understanding of government.

A Warning to Those in Love with Unbridled Power and Vulnerable to Anything New
Edmund Burke (1729-1797)wrote REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE in 1789 which was four years before the rise of the fanatical Jacobins and the execution (murder)of Louis XVI.This book was not only well written but very prophetic on the tragic events that were part of the French Revolution.Burke showed historical insight and warned both the British and the French what was going to happen.

Burke cited conditions in France prior to the French Revolution. He certainly did not give a false representation of the economic and social conditions in France, but he was clear that, while not perfect, the French had advanced culture and tolerable living standards.He also warned the French that abrupt changes without recourse to tradition and legal norms were dangerous and would end in tyranny. Readers should be aware that Burke's assessment of the French political system was that the French had reasonble politcal freedom and prosperity. To destroy this political system would end in political disruption, social and political violence, lack of law-and-order, and the rise of tyrannical military leaders.

One should note Burke's assessment of the members of the French National Assembly which was vacilating and subject to the whims of any "political interest group" was serious.He suggested that military officers would be among those "pleaders" would be military officers who would be difficult to control.He also warned that when someone who understood the art of command got control of the military officers, the days of the French Republic and the National Assembly were over.The military commander would be in total control, and this is exactly what happened when Napolean I (1769-1821)started to exhibit military genius, he quickly got power by a coup d' etat in 1799 and became the French Emperor by 1804.

Burke's warnings of disaster and tragedy were fullfilled.From at least 1792 until 1815, the French were almost constantly at war with most Europeans.While the French Empire expanded beyond anything prior French monarchs ever dreamed of, the collapse of the French Empire came quickly, and the French empire was ended by 1815 at terrible cost in both blood treasure.Burke warned of these dangers, and his predictions were accurate.

Burke lived just long enough to see the rise and fall of the maniacal Jacobins which included the Reigh of Terror (1792-1794)and the execution of King Louis XVI and his wife, Marie antionette.Had Burke lived a few more years, he could have resorted to remarking, "I told you so."

Edmund Burke has been defined as a conservative which is true.However, Burke was not a reactionary.Burke realized that progress, whatever that may mean, is often slow and within the confines of historical tradition, legal norms, and established law.Burke warned his readers, to use modern parlance, against "wipe the slate clean."Burke clearly understood that to "wipe the slate clean, meant mass dislocation of men and ultimately mass executions (mass murder).Subsequent modern political revolutions vindicate this view.

Readers may wonder why Burke expressed support for the American Revolution but strongly opposed the French Revolution.A careful examination of these revolutions provides the answer.The American "revolutionaries" were arguing for their "Rights of Englishmen" which had a long tradition in Great Britain.Henry II (1154-1189) started the use grand juries.The English had the right of trial by jury by the time of Edward I (1272-1307). The fact is the American colonists wanted to rules of common law and long established legal traditions to apply to them.The British wanted to rule the American colonists with administrative law using clever bureaucrats, as Burke would probably have called them, rather than use British Constitutional Law and the Common Law which many American colonists demanded.The French, on the other hand, wanted to replace a weak monarch with "clever bureaucrats" which Burke knew very well could not work in France.

Readers should note that Thomas Paine (1737-1809)wrote a response to Burke's REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION titled THE RIGHTS OF MAN.While Paine's views were different than those of Burke's Paine's book was just as brilliant as Burke's.Readers should read both works if they want exposure to profound political thought and excellent writing.This is much preferred to the current political nonsense that is pushed by media talking heads and journalists who cannot think or write.Burke and Paine were well read men and offered readers history lessons as well as politcal lessons.

Edmund Burke's REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE is highly recommended regardless of one's political persuasion.This book is not a light read and takes time.However, one will be better informed and wiser for doing so.Again, this reviewer suggests the reader should read Thomas Paine's THE RIGHTS OF MAN to draw comparisons and contrasts.

A Classic of Conservative Thought
In 1789, the year of the French Revolution, Burke received a request from a good friend living in France to provide his thoughts on the Revoution. The result- one of the finest pieces of political discourse ever written. For those encountering Burke for the first time, his adament defense of the crown, and of hereditary succcesion, seem to make a hypocrite of this self-proclaimed liberal. Burke, however, was not defending an absolute monarch who ruled under the charter of divine right, but rather, pointing out the danger of a perfect democracy, whose sovereign (the national assembly) was compelled not to a moral authority such as a Church, nor to a fixed consitution. In short, liberty was safer restricted in civil socity, than left unchecked.

Whether you find Burke's analysis, consistent with your political leanings, or more likely, you find his writing very offensive, you can appreciate both the efffect of this work on American and European political though, as well as the reason and intelligence with which it was written. ... Read more

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The most recent commentators on Edmund Burke have renewed the charge that his political thought lacks the consistency and coherency necessary to even claim the status of a political philosophy and that he is indeed a "utilitarian." They mark him off as an "ideologist," a "rhetorician," and a "deliberate propagandist." Even Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, his most profound statement of a political philosophy, is regarded by some as a work of mere "persuasion," not "philosophy." All this occurs in spite of the seminal work of Stanlis, Canavan, and Wilkins, who in the 1950s and '60s, demonstrated the natural law foundations of Burke's politics. Burke revisionists, forced to acknowledge his use of the "natural law," label such use as a rhetorical means for utilitarian ends. Directly opposed to this renewed "utilitarian" interpretation of Burke is Joseph Pappin's work The Metaphysics of Edmund Burke. Not only does this work challenge the "utilitarian" view of Burke, it sets out, as not other work on Burke has attempted to do, "to make explicit the implicit metaphysical core of Burke's political thought." Pappin does this by examining both Burke's critics and Burke's own attack on a rationalist, ideologically inspired metaphysics. Drawing from Burke's vast writings, Pappin establishes as his goal "to demonstrate that Burke's political philosophy is grounded in a realist metaphysic, one that is basically consonant with the Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition." Does the author succeed? According to Francis Canavan, in his Foreword to this work, the "explanatory key" of a realist metaphysics grounding Burke's politics "is a key that fits the lock better than any other that scholars have offered." Canavan further holds that the author offers "us a more thorough analysis of Burke's understanding of God, the creation, nature, man, and society than has previously appeared." ... Read more

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The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, Vol. 11 (of 12) is presented here in a high quality paperback edition. This popular classic work by Edmund Burke is in the English language. If you enjoy the works of Edmund Burke then we highly recommend this publication for your book collection. ... Read more

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This intriguing collection of essays is dominated by the figure of Edmund Burke and by accounts of the ways in which he and some of those he influenced understood the revolutionary changes that produced the modern world. The issues of liberty and empire, faction and revolution, universality, equality, authority, sectarian vice and democratic virtue are central here. Dominating them all is the question of how traditional feeling and affection can be retained within the revolutionary and colonial worlds that emerged at the close of the eighteenth century. The answers to these questions emerge from the different interpretations of the American and French Revolutions that were to be so influential for generations after Burke. In addition, he posed the colonial question in Ireland before it was posed more generally. Was liberty compatible with colonial rule? Ultimately, Burke secured his position by his condemnation of colonial as well as revolutionary violence. But in the works of Burke’s contemporaries, especially deTocqueville and Acton, colonial atrocity is condoned or supported while revolutionary violence is condemned out of hand. This, it is argued here, is constitutive of the European anti-revolutionary position which Burke helped to create but to which he nevertheless remains alien. ... Read more

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This is the second and concluding volume of a biography of Edmund Burke (1730-97), a key figure in eighteenth-century British and Irish politics and intellectual life. Covering the most interesting years of his life (1784-97), its leading themes are India and the French Revolution. Burke was largely responsible for the impeachment of Warren Hastings, former Governor-General of Bengal. The lengthy (145-day) trial of Hastings (which lasted from 1788 to 1795) is recognized as a landmark episode in the history of Britain's relationship with India. Lock provides the first day-by-day account of the entire trial, highlighting some of the many disputes about evidence as well as the great set speeches by Burke and others.

In 1790, Burke published Reflections on the Revolution in France , the earliest sustained attack on the principles of the Revolution. Continuously in print ever since, the Reflections remains the most widely read and quoted book about the Revolution. The Reflections was followed by a series of anti-revolutionary writings, as Burke maintained his crusade against the Revolution to the end of his life.

In addition to these leading themes, the biography examines many other topics in its coverage of Burke's busy and varied life: his parliamentary career; his family, friendships, and philanthropy; and his often difficult and obsessive personality. There are more than thirty illustrations, including many contemporary caricatures that convey how Burke was perceived by an often hostile and uncomprehending public. Controversial in his time, Burke is now regarded as one of the greatest of orators in the English language, as well as one of the most influential political philosophers in the Western tradition. ... Read more

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Volume 1 of the Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke presents Burke's early literary writings up to 1765, and before he became a key political figure. It is the first fully annotated and critical edition, with comprehensive notes and an authoritative introduction. The writings published here introduce readers to Burke's early attempts at a public voice. ... Read more

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Publisher: Cambridge : Printed at the University pressPublication date: 1910Notes: This is an OCR reprint. There may be numerous typos or missing text. There are no illustrations or indexes.When you buy the General Books edition of this book you get free trial access to Million-Books.com where you can select from more than a million books for free. You can also preview the book there. ... Read more

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In Eight Volumes. ... Read more

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Before the philosophical works of Lord Bolingbroke had appeared great things were expected from the leisure of a man who from the splendid scene of action in which his talents had enabled him to make so conspicuous a figure had retired to employ those talents in the investigation of truth. ... Read more